General historical overview of Asian & Pacific Islander
Immigration and Churches in Los Angeles:
Chinese,  Japanese, Filipino, Korean,
Vietnamese, Asian Indian and

other Asian Communities

Compiled by Clifton L. Holland



Historical Overview of Asians in Los Angeles


Less than a century after the founding of Los Angeles, Chinatown was a thriving community adjacent to the downtown railroad depot. Thousands of Chinese came to northern California in the 1850s, initially to join the Gold Rush and then taking construction jobs with the railroads. They began moving south as the transcontinental railroad linked Los Angeles with the rest of the nation.

Later, Chinese workers who helped to build the aqueduct to the Owens River and worked in the fields of the San Joaquin Valley spent their winters in a segregated ethnic enclave in Los Angeles.  In 1871, eleven years before the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, a violent anti-Chinese demonstration swept through Los Angeles' Chinatown killing Chinese residents and plundering their dry good stores, laundries and restaurants.

The labor vacuum created by the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was filled by Japanese workers and, by 1910, the settlement now known as "Little Tokyo" had risen next to Chinatown.  By the eve of World War I, many Japanese farm laborers had saved sufficient funds to purchase or lease vegetable and fruit farming lands in such outlying areas as Gardena, Beverly Hills and San Gabriel.

During the years between the two world wars, Los Angeles' Asian American community also included small clusters of Korean Americans and Filipinos, the latter filling the void which followed the exclusion of the Japanese in 1924.

Following the surprise attack by Japanese Military Forces on the U.S. Military Base at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii in 1941, the United States government authorized the evacuation and incarceration in concentration camps of all Japanese living in California irrespective of citizenship.  The Japanese in Southern California were to report to temporary barracks located at the Santa Anita race track in Arcadia, just east of Pasadena.  Nearly 20,000 of the state's 93,000 Japanese Americans were confined in these quarters before being taken farther inland to internment camps in the Central Valley of California.

Since World War II, immigration from Asia and the Pacific has increased dramatically.   The influx of immigrants from the Philippines, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the Pacific Islands and Southeast Asia has led to the development of identifiable enclaves such as Koreatown in the central city, a Cambodian community in Long Beach, Samoans in Compton, Hawaiian Gardens and Wilmington, a Thai neighborhood in Hollywood, Vietnamese in the adjactent communities of Westminster (Los Angeles County) and Garden Grove ("Little Saigon") in Orange County, Chinese in Monterey Park and nearby parts of the San Gabriel Valley, and Japanese in Gardena and other parts of Los Angeles County.

Asian-Americans are now (2000 Census and post-census results) the third largest racial-ethnic group in Los Angeles County, with Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites being first and second, respectively.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Los_Angeles,_California#Native_Americans_in_the_Los_Angeles_area


 

The Chinese Community


There are now several flourishing satellite Chinese communities in the Greater Los Angeles Area that are not officially classified as "Chinatowns", but are well known, such as Monterey Park, where over 60 percent of the population is Asian American, and San Gabriel (where the Asian population is approaching 50 percent).

Old Chinatown in Los Angeles

Between 1852 (when the first Chinese immigrants were reported to be in Los Angeles) and 1890 a distinct community of over 3,000 Chinese people flourished. This original Chinatown was located between El Pueblo Plaza and Old Arcadia Street, stretching eastward across Alameda Street.

In 1871, 19 Chinese men and boys were murdered by a mob of 500 locals in one of the most serious incidents of racial violence that has ever occurred in America's West.  This incident became known as "Chinese Massacre of 1871".

Reaching its heyday from 1890 to 1910, Chinatown grew to approximately 15 streets and alleys containing 200 buildings.  It was large enough to boast a Chinese Opera theatre, three temples, its own newspaper, and a telephone exchange.  But laws prohibiting most Chinese from citizenship and property ownership, and Exclusion Acts curtailing immigration, inhibited future growth for the district.

From the early 1910s Chinatown began to decline. Symptoms of a corrupt Los Angeles discolored the public's view of Chinatown; gambling houses, opium dens, and a fierce tong warfare severely reduced business in the area.  As tenants and lessees rather than outright owners, the residents of Old Chinatown were threatened with impending redevelopment and as a result the owners neglected upkeep on their buildings.  Eventually, the entire area was sold and resold, as entrepreneurs and town developers fought over usage of the area. After 30 years of continual decay, a Supreme Court ruling approved condemnation of the entire area to allow for the construction of the new major rail terminal, Union Station.

Seven years passed before an acceptable relocation proposal was put into place, situating Chinatown in its present day location.  During that long hiatus, the entire area of Old Chinatown was demolished, leaving many businesses without a location, and forcing some of them to close permanently.  Nonetheless, it is not commonly known that a remnant of Old Chinatown persisted into the early 1950s, situated between Union Station and the Old Plaza.  A narrow, one-block street known as Ferguson Alley ran between the Plaza and Alameda, and was the location of a Buddhist temple and several businesses.

In the late 1950s the covenants on the use and ownership of property were removed, allowing Chinese Americans to live in other neighborhoods and gain access to new types of employment.

The New Chinatown

In the 1930s, under the efforts of Chinese American community leader Peter Soo Hoo, the design and operational concepts for a New Chinatown evolved through the collective community process, resulting in a blend of both Chinese and American architecture.   The Los Angeles Chinatown saw major development, especially as a tourist attraction, throughout the 1930s with the development of the "Central Plaza]", a Hollywoodized version of Shanghai, containing names such as Bamboo Lane, Gin Ling Way and Chung King Road (named after the city of Chongqing in mainland China).  Chinatown was designed by Hollywood film set designers and a "Chinese" movie prop was subsequently donated by the legendary film director Cecil B. DeMille to give Chinatown an exotic atmosphere.  Today, this section of Chinatown is less frequented by ethnic Chinese residents and dayshoppers, though it is where several benevolent associations are located. Chinatown expanded beyond the area and is now bounded by Olvera Street and Dodger Stadium.

While Chinatown generally does not have the activity of Chinatown, San Francisco—still regarded as the largest and most historic Chinatown in North America because of the huge Chinese population in that city—it still attracts visitors throughout the Los Angeles area and throughout the world.  However, there are many businesses in Chinatown that generally cater mainly to the local community rather than the tourism economy.

Many of the older buildings built in the 1930s and 1940s in the northeast corner of New Chinatown (near the Pasadena Freeway) were previously abandoned.  As part of gentrification movement, they are now primarily used as art galleries by artists. It has also been turned into a center of nightlife.

There is relatively little social interaction between these artists and business owners and the Chinatown Chinese-speaking residents. Many elderly residents usually lounge in the court of Central Plaza.  The historic Hop Sing Tong Society is located in Central Plaza, as are several other Chinatown lodges and guilds.

New Chinatown is served by the Gold Line of the city's Metro Rail; parts of Old Chinatown were uncovered during excavation for another portion of the L.A. subway (the Red Line connection to Union Station). The Metro Rail station in Chinatown has been designed with modernized traditional Chinese architecture.

Chinatown's residential areas are on the hills northwest of Alpine Park, with a public elementary school, library, Chinese school, hospital, churches, and other businesses.  In the mornings at Alpine Recreation Center, many Chinese-speaking old-timers practice the relaxing martial arts tai chi, a scene common in many Chinatowns.

Modern Location of Los Angeles' Chinatown

The main streets running through the new Chinatown are Broadway, Spring Street and Hill Street. Chinatown is located directly north of downtown Los Angeles, between Dodger Stadium and the Los Angeles Civic Center. The Broadway side of Chinatown is usually packed with a myriad of tourists, with a lot of Chinese restaurants and merchants.

Chinatown is somewhat segregated between Chinese ethnic groups in some respects.   College Street, running in a northwest-southeast direction, provides a rough boundary between the older (post-1930s and 1940s) and newer businesses (post-1980s).   Many businesses belonging to the original American-born Chinese families (Taishanese and Cantonese Chinese) are in the northwest area.  Also due to the stylized exotic atmosphere, this section of Chinatown is very popular for on-site movie filming, such as "Rush Hour" with Jackie Chan.  In the southwest, according to an estimate in the Los Angeles Times, nearly 90% of businesses are owned by first-generation Southeast Asian immigrants and refugees of Chinese origin.

New ethnic Chinese immigrants

As in most other Chinatowns in the United States, Taishanese (or Toisan)–a subdialect of Cantonese–was the dominant Chinese dialect of the Los Angeles Chinatown until the 1970s. In post-Vietnam War 1970s, some members of the Los Angeles lodge of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association headed to the Vietnamese refugee settlements in Camp Pendelton to talk and entice several refugees - especially ethnic Chinese from Vietnam - into settling into the once-diminishing Chinatown by sponsoring them. Thus, during the 1980s, Cantonese and especially Teochew (Pinyin: Chaozhou, Vietnamese: Trieu Chau) Chinese became more widely spoken as Chinatown experienced a rise in Vietnamese and Cambodians and Thais.  While Cantonese is still predominant and remains the lingua franca of Chinatown, the use of Taishanese has diminished in Los Angeles and its usage is more common among elderly Chinese within the area.

With the boom of de facto suburban Chinese communities in the eastern part of the Los Angeles area, there have been very few immigrants from the Republic of China - especially those with high socioeconomic status - to the downtown Chinatown. Mandarin is only used in some contexts in Chinatown and is not widely spoken there.

The arrival of new immigrants from Southeast Asia and Mainland China to Los Angeles Chinatown gave rise to new associations such as the Southern California Teo Chew Association (serving the Teochew speakers), the Cambodia Ethnic Chinese Association (catering to Chinese Cambodian residents), and the Southern California Fukienese Association and the Foo Chow Natives Benevolent Association (both serving immigrants from the Fujian province of Mainland China).

Many Vietnamese and Cambodian immigrants in the downtown Chinatown run small curiosity shops and bazaars in the shopping plazas such as Saigon Plaza and Dynasty Center—both built in the 1980s—south of Broadway.  Today these immigrants and their families own nearly 90 percent of Chinatown's businesses.  Most old-time and dying Chinese American (those of Taishanese and Cantonese descent) businesses are located in the old Chinatown Plaza.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinatown,_Los_Angeles

 

* * *


Exerpts from Edward Drewry Jervey, The History of Methodism in Southern California and Arizona.  Nashville, TN:  Parthenon Press for the Historical Society of the Southern California-Arizona Conference, 1960, pages 85-86.   (California Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, North) 

The Chinese had first been brought to America in large numbers to help build the transcontinental railroad.  Through the efforts of the Rev. Otis Gibson of the California Conference [of the Methodist Episcopal Church, North], Christian service came to these people.  [Otis] was instrumental in establishing a school for them.  In 1870, he saw the dedication of a Chinese [Methodist] Church in San Francisco.   Tremendous racial prejudice prevented any significant advance for some years beyond this small beginning.

In 1887 evangelism among the Chinese began in Southern California when the members of the Los Angeles First [Methodist] Church organized a Chinese mission, which for the most part served as a Sunday School.  The progress was slow but rewarding.  Six years later, seventy-five Chinses were enrolled with an average attendance of forty-five.  A fine distinction came to the First [Methodist] Church at this time.  It licensed the first Chinese local preacher in the United States, Chan Kin Lung, who later became the pastor of the local Chinese Methodist Church.   As the Chinese population continue to grow, the Southern California Conference attempted several times to get aid from the General Board, which, however, was more disposed to help other groups.  Pasadena and San Diego Methodists sponsored Chinese missions as had [Methodists in] Los Angeles, and others were opened later in Mexicali and Phoenix.  

In 1904, the Pacific Chinese Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church [North] was organized to try to give the units more stability.  Thorough and effective work was continually blocked by racial prejudice.  Moreover, the Old World ties of the overwhelming majority of Chinese made evangelism most difficult.

* * *


Excerpt from Our heritage and our hope:  the history of First Baptist Church of Los Angeles, California, 1874-1974, by Herbert L. Sutton.

By 1894 there were a score of Chinese who were members of First Baptist [Church of Los Angeles], brought into the fold through the Chinese Mission which the Church sponsored, beginning in the Dorsey era.  The Mission was located at 608 North Main Street and was under the leadership of Emma Fitch, who had been employed as City Missionary to fill the vacancy when A. W. Rider left to become Pastor at Memorial.

Many Chinese laborers had come to Southern California after the building of the railways.  By 1880 there were 20,000 Chinese in Southern California — a sizeable part of the population.  They ran laundries, worked as domestics, and produced and distributed nearly all of the vegetables for Los Angeles. T hey also developed the fishing industry and were the first laborers in the citrus groves.

Their treatment by the citizenry was deplorable.  Historian Carey McWilliams reports, "Youngsters were given free license to stone the Chinese, upset their vegetable carts and laundry wagons, and to pull their Queues for good measure."  Beginning at the time of the Panic of 1873, the Chinese were blamed for unemployment, depressed wages and bad business conditions.  The political agitators who headed the Working-men's Party in California were responsible for this ever-increasing antipathy and they tried various ways to discourage both Chinese activity and immigration.  One of their pamphlets read,

"The Chinaman must leave the State of California.  The white freeman with his wife and children cannot live in the same atmosphere as the Coolie slave.   One or the other must leave the State and it must be the Chinaman."

It is much to the credit of the Church at that time that their spirit of Christian brotherhood kept them from heeding the rabble-rousers, even though such an attitude was very unpopular.  First Baptist also sponsored a resolution adopted by the Southern California Baptist State Convention:

"Resolved, that as a Convention of Baptists we enter our decided and emphatic protest against the recent act of the House of Representatives in passing the Geary Chinese Restriction Bill, by which nearly all Chinamen are forever prohibited from landing upon our shores, or gaining a livelihood in the United States."

The resolution went on to denounce the Bill as "unamerican, unchristian and outrageous."  As a matter of political expediency however, Congress passed the Bill and it became law.

SOURCE:  http://genealogytrails.com/cal/la/firstbaptistchurchhistory.html

* * *

In 1997, the IDEA DATABASE for the Los Angeles 5-County Region contained the following 211 Chinese churches, sorted by city:

TRADITION CLASCODE DENCODE CHURCH_NAME ADDRESS CITY STATE ZIPCODE
HOLINESS B2.513 FMCNA 1ST FREE METHODIST CHURCH 119 N CURTIS AVE ALHAMBRA CA 91801-2112
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC 1ST TAIWANESE PRES CHURCH 20 W COMMONWEALTH AVE ALHAMBRA CA 91801-3802
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX ASIAN-AM GRACE & FAITH CH 220 S 5TH ST ALHAMBRA CA 91801-3746
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX BALDWIN PK CHINESE CHURCH OF GOD 614 N ELECTRIC AVE ALHAMBRA CA 91801-1223
ADVENTIST B3.101 ACC CHINESE ADVENTIST CHURCH 3000 W RAMONA RD ALHAMBRA CA 91803-4123
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0401 AGGC CHINESE ASSEMBLY OF GOD 1431 S CHAPEL AVE ALHAMBRA CA 91801-5137
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE CHRISTIAN CENTER 115 S MARENGO AVE ALHAMBRA CA 91801-3136
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE YOUNG ADULT FELL 35 N 4TH ST ALHAMBRA CA 91801-3407
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC LUTHERAN CHINESE MINISTRY 2312 STRANAHAN DR ALHAMBRA CA 91803-3849
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC MANDARIN LOS ANGELES SBC 201 N 1ST ST ALHAMBRA CA 91801-3543
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH MEI-HSING TEMPLE 1152 S MONTEREY ST ALHAMBRA CA 91801-4829
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH SINO AMERICAN BUDDHIST CENTER 401 N ATLANTIC BLVD ALHAMBRA CA 91801-2228
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX THE CHURCH OF THE LIVING GOD 315 S MARENGO AVE ALHAMBRA CA 91803-1644
BAPTIST B2.2302 ABC CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 412 E BROADWAY ANAHEIM CA 92805-4001
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC CHINESE UNITED METHODIST CHURCH 808 N AURORA ST ANAHEIM CA 92801-3003
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FIRST SOUTHERN BAPTIST CHURCH 1275 E BROADWAY ANAHEIM CA 92805-4212
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC ARCADIA FIRST CHINESE BAPTIST 1020 LOMA LISA LN ARCADIA CA 91006-2218
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVANGELICAL FORMOSAN CHURCH OF ARCA 5705 LENORE AVE ARCADIA CA 91006-5745
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC MANDARIN BAPTIST CHURCH 501 N SANTA ANITA AVE ARCADIA CA 91006-2751
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHRIST CENTER 11940 DEL AMO BLVD ARTESIA CA 90701
LUTHERAN B1.105 LCMS CONCORDIA TAIWANESE LUTHERAN CHURCH 13633 183RD ST ARTESIA CA 90703-8940
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX O C BREAD OF LIFE CHURCH 18415 CORTNER AVE ARTESIA CA 90703-8402
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.6043 ICC CHURCH OF CHRIST 17054 CLARK AVE BELLFLOWER CA 90706-5756
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA CHINESE CHRISTIAN ALLIANCE CH. 6455 SHELTONDALE AVE CANOGA PARK CA 91307-3113
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX 1ST EVANGELICAL CHURCH 11330 166TH ST CERRITOS CA 90703-1601
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.6043 ICC CHINESE CHURCH OF CHRIST OF L A 12829 BERKHAMSTED ST CERRITOS CA 90703-7233
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA CHINESE EVANGELICAL FREE CH OF CERR 16912 LESLIE AVE CERRITOS CA 90703-1447
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVAN FORM CHU OF CERRITOS 12413 195TH ST CERRITOS CA 90703-7705
UNCLASSIFIED G2.0 MISC HANMAUM CHURCH 12330 CARNABY ST CERRITOS CA 90703-8330
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.6041 CCCOC SOUTH BAY CHINESE CHRISTIAN CH 16406 BEAR MEADOW CIR CERRITOS CA 90703-1904
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC ST JOHNS LUTHERAN CHURCH 18422 BLOOMFIELD AVE CERRITOS CA 90703-6048
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE GRACE CHURCH 164 LIMESTONE RD CLAREMONT CA 91711-1842
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHRISTIAN ASSEMBLY IN IRVINE 2850 FAIRVIEW RD COSTA MESA CA 92626-4116
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA JACHIN CHINESE ALLIANCE CHURCH 420 W 19TH ST COSTA MESA CA 92627-2026
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX O C CHIN EVAN CHURCH 1230 BAKER ST COSTA MESA CA 92626-3917
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH TZU-CHI BUDDHIST ASSOC OF AMERICA 628 W 19TH ST COSTA MESA CA 92627-2716
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHRISTIAN TESTIMONY ASSEMBLY 10987 WASHINGTON BLVD CULVER CITY CA 90232-4046
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC CHINESE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 4421 CERRITOS AVE CYPRESS CA 90630-4217
LUTHERAN B1.101 ELCA HOLY CROSS LUTHERAN CHURCH 4321 CERRITOS AVE CYPRESS CA 90630-4216
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH CHINESE BUDDHIST FA KWANG TEMPLE 12110 POMERING RD DOWNEY CA 90242-2165
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC CHINESE GRACE MISSIONS 1014 HIGHLAND AVE DUARTE CA 91010-1939
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX TRUTH CHINESE ALLIANCE CHURCH 1921 HUNTINGTON DR DUARTE CA 91010-2652
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX ASIAN AMERICAN BIBLE CHURCH 11601 BRYANT RD EL MONTE CA 91732-2203
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC CHINESE MISSION FIRST BAPTIST CH 3050 PECK RD EL MONTE CA 91731-3451
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC CHINESE MISSION SBC 3041 PECK RD EL MONTE CA 91731-3450
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC IMMANUEL CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 11601 BRYANT RD EL MONTE CA 91732-2203
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX TRUE JESUS CHURCH IN SO CAL 11070 OAK ST EL MONTE CA 91731-3216
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC CHINESE COMMUNITY BAPTIST CHURCH 23302 EL TORO RD EL TORO CA 92630-4807
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX PRAYER AND PRAISE FELLOWSHIP 3250 STEVENS DR ENCINO CA 91436-4226
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH SINO-AMERICAN ASSOCIATION 10889 SLATER AVE FOUNTAIN VALLEY CA 92708-3932
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC CHRISTIAN CHURCH IN O C 5802 SANTA CATALINA AVE GARDEN GROVE CA 92645-1130
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVANGELICAL FORMOSAN CHURCH 10750 LAMPSON AVE GARDEN GROVE CA 92640-5039
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2207 PCUSA FORMOSAN PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 13072 FAIRVIEW ST GARDEN GROVE CA 92643-2105
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX ZION FELLOWSHIP 13231 DAPPLEGREY RD GARDEN GROVE CA 92643-1618
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC ALONDRA PARK UNITED METHODIST 3153 W COMPTON BOULE GARDENA CA 90249
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC LOS ANGELES CRENSHAW BAPT CHURCH 1457 W 179TH ST GARDENA CA 90248-3702
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA 1ST EVANGELICAL FREE CHURCH 522 W BROADWAY GLENDALE CA 91204-1120
PENTECOSTAL-UNCLASSIFIED B4.1100 OPEN CHINESE FAITH CHURCH 225 S CHEVY CHASE DR GLENDALE CA 91205-1321
HOLINESS B2.513 FMCNA CHINESE FREE METHODIST CHURCH 334 N PACIFIC AVE GLENDALE CA 91203-2129
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA FIRST EVANGELICAL CHINESE CHURCH 522 W BROADWAY GLENDALE CA 91204-1120
UNCLASSIFIED G1.0 UNCL LA CHINESE CHURCH 1902 E CHEVY CHASE DR # D GLENDALE CA 91206-2816
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC CHINESE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH 1307 S GLENDORA AVE GLENDORA CA 91740-5140
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX SAN GABRIEL VALLEY GOSPEL CHURCH 543 E HALTERN AVE GLENDORA CA 91740-6337
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE CHRISTIAN ASSEMBLY 2401 S HACIENDA BLVD APT 143 HACIENDA HEIGHTS CA 91745-4788
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHRISTIAN TESTIMONY ASSEMBLY 1155 S HACIENDA BLVD HACIENDA HEIGHTS CA 91745-2231
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVANGELICAL FORMOSAN CHURCH 16504 WAIN PL HACIENDA HEIGHTS CA 91745-3772
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.6041 CCCOC UNITED CHINESE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 16152 GALE AVE HACIENDA HEIGHTS CA 91745-1720
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC GRACE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 7360 WARNER AVE HUNTINGTON BEACH CA 92647-5434
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC O C CHINESE CHRISTIAN ASSEMBLY 20031 MOONTIDE CIR HUNTINGTON BEACH CA 92646-4716
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC 1ST CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 18700 HARVARD AVE IRVINE CA 92715-1664
UNCLASSIFIED G1.0 UNCL CHO-GYE INTL CHAN ASSOCIATION 2 HOPKINS ST IRVINE CA 92715-2125
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA EVANGELICAL FREE CHURCH OF IRVINE PO BOX 16682 IRVINE CA 92713-6682
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC 1ST CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 16060 MESA ROBLES DR LA PUENTE CA 91745-4858
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC BLESSED UNITED METHODIST CH 1747 NOGALES ST LA PUENTE CA 91748-2944
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA CHINESE EVANGELICAL FREE CHURCH 3265 HEATHER FIELD DR LA PUENTE CA 91745-6136
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA EVANGELICAL FREE CH OF HAC HGHTS 16504 WAIN PL LA PUENTE CA 91745-3772
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC ST MARK'S CHINESE LUTHERAN CH 2323 LAS LOMITAS DR LA PUENTE CA 91745-4414
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC UNITED CHINESE CHRISTIAN 16152 GALE AVE LA PUENTE CA 91745-1720
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA CANAAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH 25382 MACKENZIE ST LAGUNA HILLS CA 92653-5438
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG TORRANCE TAIWANESE FOURSQUARE 32151 E NINE DR LAGUNA NIGUEL CA 92677-2925
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC LONG BEACH CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 5640 ORANGE AVE LONG BEACH CA 90805-4763
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC CANTONESE BAPTIST CHURCH OF LA 5817 MONTE VISTA ST LOS ANGELES CA 90042-3429
BAPTIST B2.2101 SBC CHIN BAPT CHURCH OF W LA 1925 SAWTELLE BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90025-5555
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHIN CRIST CHANTO CHURCH 1244 INNES AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90026-4417
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0401 AGGC CHIN NEW VISION CHURCH 2147 PURDUE AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90025-6215
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.6043 ICC CHINATOWN CHURCH OF CHRIST 220 E AVENUE 28 LOS ANGELES CA 90031-2024
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA CHINESE ALLIANCE CHURCH 2828 GLENDALE BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90039-2723
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0401 AGGC CHINESE ASSEMBLY OF GOD 118 S AVENUE 22 LOS ANGELES CA 90031-2204
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE BIBLE CHURCH PO BOX 24 LOS ANGELES CA 90053-0024
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE FOR CHRIST 730 N BROADWAY LOS ANGELES CA 90012-2820
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE FOR CHRIST 922 N EDGEMONT ST LOS ANGELES CA 90029-2532
PENTECOSTAL-UNCLASSIFIED B4.1100 OPEN CHINESE FULL GOSPEL TRINITY CHURCH 1500 N AVENUE 53 LOS ANGELES CA 90042-1808
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE GRACE MISSIONS 914 CENTENNIAL ST LOS ANGELES CA 90012-1304
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC CHINESE UNITED METHODIST 825 N HILL ST LOS ANGELES CA 90012-2320
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE UNIV GOSPEL CENTER P O BOX 3414014 LOS ANGELES CA 90029
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC CHINESE ZION BAPTIST CHURCH 2610 W AVENUE 33 LOS ANGELES CA 90065-2839
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC DIAO JIOU CHINESE CHRISTIAN CH 6417 REPTON ST LOS ANGELES CA 90042-2835
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVANGELICAL FORMOSAN CHURCH 6438 YORK BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90042-3642
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVANGELICAL FORMOSAN CHURCH 6501 YORK BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90042-3643
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FIRST CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 942 YALE ST LOS ANGELES CA 90012-1725
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ FIRST CHINESE NAZARENE 3817 SOMERSET DR LOS ANGELES CA 90008-1803
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC FORMOSAN PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 5211 W OLYMPIC BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90036-4902
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX KOLLEL L MECHANCHIM ZICHR 128 S FORMOSA AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90036-2816
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH KUAN YIN MEDITATION TEMPLE 4754 NORELLE ST LOS ANGELES CA 90032-3212
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ L A SECOND CHINESE CHURCH 2750 MARSH ST LOS ANGELES CA 90039-2907
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0401 AGGC LOS ANGELES CHINESE A/G 141 S AVENUE 22 LOS ANGELES CA 90031-2249
LUTHERAN B1.101 ELCA LUTHERAN CHURCH OF GOOD SHEPHERD 6338 N FIGUEROA ST LOS ANGELES CA 90042-2733
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH MONASTERY OF PERFECT ENLIGHTENMENT 2451 WORKMAN ST LOS ANGELES CA 90031-2319
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC SAWTELLE BAPTIST CHURCH 1925 SAWTELLE BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90025-5555
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH SINO-AMER BUDDHIST ASSOC 5056 ARGUS DR LOS ANGELES CA 90041-2123
WESTERN CATHOLIC A2.1 RCC ST BRIDGET CATHOLIC CHURCH 510 COTTAGE HOME ST LOS ANGELES CA 90012-1416
PENTECOSTAL-APOSTOLIC B4.0109 OAFC ST JOHN APOSTOLIC CHURCH 5516 S CENTRAL AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90011-4730
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX TAIWAN CHRISTIAN CHURCH 6501 YORK BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90042-3643
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG TAIWAN FOURSQUARE CHURCH 1492 BLAKE AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90031-1151
HOLINESS B2.519 SARMY THE SALVATION ARMY 5280 E BEVERLY BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90022-2002
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC TRUE LIGHT PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 2500 GRIFFIN AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90031-2309
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX UCLA CCF 2850 AVENEL ST LOS ANGELES CA 90039-2071
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH FO KWANG SHAN BUDDHIST ASSOC 5950 HELIOTROPE CIR MAYWOOD CA 90270-3323
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC SAN FERNANDO VLY CHINESE BAPTIST 10840 VENA AVE MISSION HILLS CA 91345-1837
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC CHINESE HOPE BAPTIST CHURCH 536 N POPLAR AVE MONTEBELLO CA 90640-3638
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC MANDARIN BAPTIST CHURCH OF L.A 607 MICHAEL COLLINS CIR MONTEBELLO CA 90640-2657
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH BUDDHIST ORTHO-CREED ASSOC 318 N GARFIELD AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-1707
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 315 S CHANDLER AVE APT D MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-3259
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC CHINESE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 306 BALTIMORE AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-1617
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2101 CRC CHINESE CHRISTN REFORMED 332 N NEW AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91755-2022
PIETIST B2.3302 EFCA CHINESE EVANGELICAL FREE CHURCH 1111 S ATLANTIC BLVD MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-4718
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC CHINESE GRACE BAPTIST CHU 337 W POMONA BLVD MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-7121
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC CHINESE GRACE BAPTIST CHURCH 337 W POMONA BLVD MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-7121
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC CHINESE GRACE BAPTIST CHURCH 357 W POMONA BLVD MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-7121
LUTHERAN B1.101 ELCA CHINESE LIFE LUTHERAN CHURCH 2009 S GARFIELD AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-6617
LUTHERAN B1.101 ELCA FAITH CHINESE LUTHERAN CHURCH 115 W NEWMARK AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-2813
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC FIRST CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 324 S CHANDLER AVE APT A MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-3200
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC GLORIA DEI CHINESE LUTHERAN CHURCH 417 N GARFIELD AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-1201
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC GOOD SHEPHERD FORMOSAN PRES CHURCH 606 S ATLANTIC BLVD MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-3818
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC MONTEREY PARK CHINESE BAPTIST CHURC PO BOX 774 MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-0774
ANGLICAN-EPISCOPAL B1.305 PEC SAINT GABRIEL EPISCOPAL CHURCH PO BOX 1048 MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-8048
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX TAIWANESE CHRIST SALV CHURCH 1571 LOMA VERDE ST MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-5311
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ TRINITY CHURCH OF THE NAZARENE 1951 S GARFIELD AVE MONTEREY PARK CA 91754-6516
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA CHIN CHRISTIAN ALLIANCE 11670 PALA MESA DR NORTHRIDGE CA 91326-1430
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE CHRISTIAN ALLIANCE CH. 18827 ROSCOE BLVD NORTHRIDGE CA 91324-4545
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHRISTIAN TESTIMONY ASSEMBLY 8827 CORBIN AVE NORTHRIDGE CA 91324-3310
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC MANDARIN BAPTIST CHURCH 9124 ZELZAH AVE NORTHRIDGE CA 91325-2340
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC MANDARIN BAPTIST CHURCH OF SFV 17833 NORDHOFF ST NORTHRIDGE CA 91325-2821
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX BETHANY MISSION 7006 CREST RD PALOS VERDES PENINSULA CA 90275-4543
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX SO BAY CHURCH FELLOWSHIP 5006 DELACROIX RD PALOS VERDES PENINSULA CA 90275-3922
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX BETHEL MISSION OF CHINA 240 S OAKLAND AVE APT 3 PASADENA CA 91101-2858
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC CHINESE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 2889 SAN PASQUAL ST PASADENA CA 91107-5364
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC CHRISTIAN ZION CHURCH L A 1590 E DEL MAR BLVD PASADENA CA 91106-2705
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC IMMANUEL BAPTIST CHINESE 530 E JACKSON ST PASADENA CA 91104-3621
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC MANDARIN BAPTIST CHURCH 249 S SIERRA BONITA AVE PASADENA CA 91106-3530
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2302 CCCC SWATOW CHRISTIAN CHURCH 393 N LAKE AVE PASADENA CA 91101-1213
BAPTIST B2.2302 ABC 1ST BAPT CH OF POMONA/CHINESE CONGREGATION 586 N MAIN ST POMONA CA 91768-3107
FRIENDS-QUAKER B2.13011 CYMF CHINESE FRIENDS CHURCH OF L A 2285 SPENCER AVE POMONA CA 91767-2356
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC WESTMONT UNITED METHODIST 1784 W 9TH ST POMONA CA 91766-1058
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHRISTIAN TESTIMONY ASSEMBLY 100 N PACIFIC COAST HWY REDONDO BEACH CA 90277-3148
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CANAAN NEW LIFE CHRISTIAN CENTER 777 SILVER SPUR RD STE 218 ROLLING HILLS ESTATES CA 90274-3644
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHINESE FOR CHRIST SO BAY 28340 HIGHRIDGE RD ROLLING HILLS ESTATES CA 90274-3405
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC CHINESE CHRISTIAN ASSEMBLY 2754 DEL MAR AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-3026
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVANGELICAL FORMOSAN CHURCH 1409 WALNUT GROVE AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-3709
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX FIRST EVAN CHURCH OF SAN GAB 3650 WALNUT GROVE AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-1651
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX FORMOSA HOPE LINE 9032 MISSION DR ROSEMEAD CA 91770-4410
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX FORMOSAN SEVEN-STAR FLWSH 9032 NEWBY AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-4408
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH HSUEH FUNG BUDDHA CHURCH 3850 EARLE AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC IMMANUEL CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 8141 HELLMAN AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-2529
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX THE OPEN BIBLE - CHINESE CHURCH 7915 HELLMAN AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-2413
INDEPENDENT FUNDAMENTALIST B2.407 IFCA CALVARY CHINESE CHRISTIAN CENTER 2103 BATSON AVE ROWLAND HEIGHTS CA 91748-3556
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC FIRST CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 1717 OTTERBEIN AVE ROWLAND HEIGHTS CA 91748-3025
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG TAIWANESE FOURSQUARE CHURCH 2586 SALEROSO DR ROWLAND HEIGHTS CA 91748-4111
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC CHINESE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 1900 N D ST SAN BERNARDINO CA 92405-3912
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC CHINESE MINISTRY OF UNITED METHODIST CHURCH 201 N SAN GABRIEL BLVD SAN GABRIEL CA 91775-2428
LUTHERAN B1.101 ELCA TRINITY CHINESE LUTHERAN CENTER 6868 N SAN GABRIEL BLVD SAN GABRIEL CA 91775-1044
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC CHINESE PRES. CH. OF SOUTH BAY 2226 STONEWOOD CT SAN PEDRO CA 90732-1337
INDEPENDENT FUNDAMENTALIST B2.402 PBA CHINESE CHRISTIAN ASSEMBLY 1518 S CENTER ST SANTA ANA CA 92704-4110
MENNONITE B2.1408 MCG TRINITY CHIN MENNONITE CHURCH 9845 ORR AND DAY RD SANTA FE SPRINGS CA 90670-3134
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC TAIWANESE PRESBYTERIAN CH 1220 2ND ST SANTA MONICA CA 90401-1109
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX U-CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP 2001 PEARL ST SANTA MONICA CA 90405-2717
PENTECOSTAL-CHARISMATIC B4.0805 CALCH CALVARY CHAPEL CHIN FELLOWSHIP 1605 GARFIELD AVE SOUTH PASADENA CA 91030-4968
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH SOCIETY-BUDDHIST RENAISSANCE 2027 EMPRESS AVE SOUTH PASADENA CA 91030-4505
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC SOUTH PASADENA CHINESE BRETHREN 920 FREMONT AVE SOUTH PASADENA CA 91030-3223
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC SAN FERNANDO VALLEY CHINESE BAPTIST 5901 LINDLEY AVE TARZANA CA 91356-1722
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC SFV CHINESE SO BAPTIST CHURCH 5901 LINDLEY AVE TARZANA CA 91356-1722
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC BETHLEHEM LUTHERAN CHURCH 5319 HALIFAX RD TEMPLE CITY CA 91780-2857
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC EMMANUEL CHINESE BAPTIST 9628 CRAIGLEE ST TEMPLE CITY CA 91780-1408
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA SAN GAB VAL CHINESE ALLIANCE CH 5537 TEMPLE CITY BLVD TEMPLE CITY CA 91780-2530
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC CHINESE CHRISTIAN CHURCH PO BOX 3094 THOUSAND OAKS CA 91359-0094
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX BREAD OF LIFE LING LIANG CHURCH 22525 KENT AVE TORRANCE CA 90505-2305
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ CHINESE CHURCH OF THE NAZARENE 780 MAPLE AVE TORRANCE CA 90503-5002
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.023 OCOM CHINESE COMMUNITY CHURCH 18002 CORDARY AVE TORRANCE CA 90504-3817
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.603 CCNI DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH 4915 EMERALD ST TORRANCE CA 90503-2813
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX EVAN FORMOSAN CHURCH OF TORRANCE 4565 SHARYNNE LN TORRANCE CA 90505-3365
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC SO BAY CHINESE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 4915 EMERALD ST TORRANCE CA 90503-2813
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC TAIWAN FU YIN SAN PRESB CH 16902 CRANBROOK AVE TORRANCE CA 90504-1305
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG TAIWANESE FOURSQUARE CHURCH 2150 SEPULVEDA BLVD TORRANCE CA 90501-4613
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ TORRANCE CHINESE CH OF NAZARENE 700 MAPLE AVE TORRANCE CA 90503-5002
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC TUSTIN TAIWANESE PRESBYTERIAN CH 225 W MAIN ST TUSTIN CA 92680-4319
LUTHERAN B1.105 LCMS CHINESE LUTHERAN CHURCH 555 GARTEL DR WALNUT CA 91789-2009
METHODIST B2.3216 UMC EVAN FORM CHURCH OF WALNUT 20625 LA PUENTE RD WALNUT CA 91789-1926
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA CHRIST CNTR ALLIANCE CHURCH 512 S VALINDA AVE WEST COVINA CA 91790-3007
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA GRACE CHINESE ALLIANCE CHURCH 512 S VALINDA AVE WEST COVINA CA 91790-3007
LUTHERAN B1.199 OLC TAIWAMESE CONG AT REDEEMER LUTHERAN 3420 S GAUNTLET DR WEST COVINA CA 91792-2921
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC 1ST CHIN BAPT CH/MANDARIN 8481 CARNEGIE AVE WESTMINSTER CA 92683-7603
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC 1ST CHINESE BAPTIST CHURCH 8912 HAZARD AVE WESTMINSTER CA 92683-4661
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC CHINESE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF   O. C. 8831 LAWRENCE AVE WESTMINSTER CA 92683-7617
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC WHITTIER CHRISTIAN CHURCH 15215 JANINE DR WHITTIER CA 90605-1804
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA CHINESE ALLIANCE CHURCH 7911 WINNETKA AVE CANOGA PARK CA 91306-2317
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC JOY FELLOWSHIP/MANDARIN BAPTIST CH 3935 MOUNTAIN VIEW AVE PASADENA CA 91107-4906
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CHIN FOR CHRIST MAND CHURCH 3342 DEL MAR AVE ROSEMEAD CA 91770-2361
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH HSI-LAI BUDDHIST TEMPLE 3456 S GLENMARK DR HACIENDA HEIGHTS CA 91745
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2207 PCUSA AGAPE FORMOSAN PRESBYTERIAN CH 849 N BRADFORD AVE PLACENTIA CA 92670-4515
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH SAKYA THUBTEN DHARGE LING 2658 S LA CIENEGA BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90034-2609
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH THUBTEN DHARGE LING TEMPLE 2658 S LA CIENEGA BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90034-2609

Note:  The religious Traditions and Classification Codes (CLASCODES) used in this table are explained in A Classification System of Religious Groups in the Americas by Major Traditions and Family Types (created by Clifton L. Holland of IDEA-PROLADES Ministries, latest version 2007). 



The Japanese Community

 

A History of Japanese Americans in California:
ORGANIZATIONS AND RELIGIOUS PRACTICES

The first Japanese American community organization of record in the United States was the Gospel Society or Fukuin Kai, established in October 1877 in San Francisco.  The Gospel Society offered English classes, operated a boarding house, and provided a place for Japanese to meet. With the influence of White Christians, the religious orientation of the society developed.  Out of this organization eventually came the Japanese Christian churches, some of which were established in the 1890s.

The issei established three types of organizations in the communities they settled:   churches, political/social organizations called by various names, and Japanese-language schools.  Churches, whether Christian, Buddhist, or Shinto, were the focus of activity for most Japanese communities, and often were the earliest organizations to be established. Subsequently, churches expanded beyond religious services as women's organizations (fujinkai) became active, and youth groups were established with the advent of children. The churches provided both religious sustenance and a social life. It is estimated that before World War II, 85 percent of Japanese were Buddhist. Possibly the sole Japanese American community with only a Christian church was Livingston (Yamato Colony).  During the World War II internment, churches served as storage centers for personal property left behind by Japanese Americans, and as hostels for returning evacuees.  The churches themselves organized into umbrella groups such as the Buddhist Churches of America, the Japanese Evangelical Mission Society, the Holiness Conference, and the Northern and Southern California Christian Church Federation.  Most of the original congregations still exist today.

SOURCE:  http://www.cr.nps.gov/history/online_books/5views/5views4c.htm


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A History of Japanese Americans in California:
PATTERNS OF SETTLEMENT AND OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS

Most Japanese immigrants entered the United States through San Francisco.  Other ports-of-entry were Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington. As a result, the first large settlement of Japanese in California was in San Francisco. U.S. Census figures trace the movement and settlement of Japanese over the years.

In 1890, 590 Japanese were in San Francisco, with 184 in Alameda County and 51 in Sacramento County. A scattering of residents appeared throughout California, with the smallest number in the Southern California area.  Little is known about these early Japanese immigrants. Speculation is that they worked for the railroad, were laborers, or performed miscellaneous tasks, such as chopping wood or domestic service. By 1890, the move into agricultural work had begun in the Vacaville area, Solano County.   By then a Japanese had been buried in the Visalia Public Cemetery in Tulare County, and labor contractors were beginning to gather new immigrants to work in a number of industries such as the railroads, oil fields, and agriculture.

By 1900, the same Northern California counties still had the largest numbers of Japanese, but the population had increased tremendously with movement into other parts of the state. San Francisco had 1,781 Japanese, Sacramento County 1,209, and Alameda County 1,149. In addition, Monterey County had 710, Fresno County 598, San Joaquin County 313, Santa Clara County 284, Contra Costa County 276, and Santa Cruz County 235.   Agricultural work drew immigrants to what were then rural areas.  In many communities, nihonmachi (Japanese sections of town) were developed, with establishment of small businesses catering to the needs of immigrants.

By 1900, Southern California had a Japanese population of approximately 500, with the largest concentration in Los Angeles County.  But already the immigrants had begun efforts to establish themselves. Ulysses Shinsei Kaneko, for example, became one of the first Japanese naturalized in California, in San Bernardino County in 1896.  Businesses in towns and cities had been in operation for almost a decade.   Buddhist churches and Japanese Christian churches had been established earlier.   Japanese had purchased property, and a few nisei children had been born.

City trades included domestic service and businesses catering to other Japanese — boarding houses, restaurants, barbershops, bathhouses, gambling houses, and pool halls.   Labor contractors drew immigrants away from the cities to work for the railroads, canneries, and farms. Japanese laborers were an important element in California agriculture by the turn of the century.

Other immigrants initiated their own enterprises and industries.  Some of these included industries the Chinese had pioneered earlier. Fishing and abalone industries developed at White Point and Santa Monica Canyon in Los Angeles County, and at Point Lobos in Monterey County.  Kinji Ushijima, also known as George Shima, continued the reclamation work begun by Chinese in the Sacramento/San Joaquin Delta.  Shima eventually reclaimed more than 100,000 acres of land with the help of many laborers.   The land now grows potatoes, asparagus, onions, and other produce.

Between 1900 and 1910, Japanese began to buy property and establish farms, vineyards, and orchards.  All-Japanese communities developed in agricultural areas in central California, including Florin in Sacramento County (which the Japanese called Taishoku), Bowles in Fresno County, and the Yamato Colony at Livingston in Merced County.

By 1910, a distinct change had occurred in the California Japanese population, which then numbered 41,356.  A move to the southern part of the state began, and the number of women in the community steadily increased.  By the late 1920s, females constituted one-third of the Japanese population.  Los Angeles County became the most populous Japanese settlement, with 8,461, and has remained so to this day. A major stimulus for the move south was the rapid expansion of the Los Angeles area during the Southern California boom period. Many Japanese also migrated to Los Angeles in 1906 after the San Francisco earthquake.

San Francisco remained the second most populous, however, with 4,518 Japanese.   Next came Sacramento County with 3,874, Alameda County with 3,266, Santa Clara County with 2,299, and Fresno County with 2,233.  Other counties having more than 1,000 Japanese included Contra Costa, Monterey, and San Joaquin.  The large increases in the population were a reflection of unrestricted immigration of male laborers until 1908, entrance of Japanese women into the United States, and the resultant in crease in the birth of children.  Numerous nihonmachi had been established in California, ranging from Selma's one block of businesses catering to Japanese in Fresno County, to whole sections of town in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San Jose.

The Japanese population of Los Angeles County more than doubled by 1920, increasing to 19,911, more than three times as many as the next most populous county, Sacramento, with 5,800.  California's total Japanese population numbered 71,952. Fresno County had 5,732, San Francisco 5,358, and Alameda 5,221. San Joaquin County increased its population of Japanese to 4,354. Other counties with Japanese populations of more than 1,000 included Monterey, Orange, Placer, San Diego, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, and Tulare. This population increase was due almost to tally to the immigration of women and the birth of children. By this time, the economic basis of the Japanese community had been firmly established in agriculture and its offshoots — wholesaling, retailing, distributing. The Japanese organized their produce and flower industries vertically, resulting in a system in which all operations were owned and operated by Japanese, from raising the plants to retail sales.  This resulted in organizations such as the Southern California Flower Market in Los Angeles, the California Flower Market in San Francisco, Lucky Produce in Sacramento, and the City Market in Los Angeles.  Cooperatives like Naturipe in Watsonville, Santa Cruz County, were organized to improve the growing, packing, and marketing of crops produced by Japanese farmers.

Small businesses were numerous at this time.  Many of the "city trades" were directly tied to rural occupations, particularly agricultural labor. Businesses such as boarding houses, hotels, restaurants, barber shops, and gambling houses were dependent on the constant traffic of single male laborers who traveled a circuit in California from one crop to the next, from the Imperial Valley to the Sacramento Valley. The Miyajima Hotel, a boarding house in Lodi, San Joaquin County, was one such business catering to agricultural laborers. Other city businesses were also oriented toward farming interests. For example, a number of Japanese entrepreneurs operating general merchandise stores had regular routes to the surrounding countryside, taking orders and making deliveries for food and other sup plies. Kamikawa Brothers in Fresno and Tsuda's in Auburn provided this service.

During the decade of 1910-20, Japanese farmers became important producers and growers of crops:  truck farming along the coast, in the Central Valley, and in Southern California; grapes and tree fruit in the Central Valley and Southern California; strawberries in a number of different locations; and rice in Northern California. Japanese were very much involved in experimenting with different strains of rice at the Biggs Rice Experiment Station in Butte County where Kenju Ikuta demonstrated that rice could be produced commercially. In addition, a large number of other Japanese were engaged in farming, distributing, and retailing of rice during this period. In later decades, Keisaburo Koda, known among the Japanese as the "rice king," established a ranch near Dos Palos in Merced County, where he produced new strains of rice.

The 1930 census shows that Los Angeles County still had the most Japanese, almost doubling its population, to 35,390.  California's Japanese population numbered 97,456.  Los Angeles had more than four times as many Japanese as did the second county, Sacramento, which had 8,114.  Close in number were San Francisco with 6,250, Alameda with 5,715, Fresno with 5,280, San Joaquin with 4,339, and Santa Clara with 4,320. Again, the increase can be attributed to immigration of Japanese women as well as the birth of children. Because immigration was totally curtailed in 1924, however, the birth of children probably was the more important reason, numerically speaking. Another source for population increases was migration from other parts of the country.   Some Japanese residents of Seattle, Washington, for example, moved to Los Angeles County during the 1930s because of increased economic opportunities during a period of nationwide depression.

This period, however, was a time of growth for most nihonmachi throughout California.   Almost every agricultural area with a population of Japanese residents had a flourishing Japanese section of town.  Cooperatives established in previous years were functioning at their peak.  Nisei children were in schools and beginning to enter the labor market. This subtle change can be noted in such things as Japanese-language newspapers adding English sections to their publications, and Japanese church youth organizations being organized.

The 1940 census shows little change from the 1930 figures. During this decade, the Japanese population of California decreased from 97,456 to 93,717, although a few counties like Los Angeles continued to increase.  During the years 1942-45, Japanese Americans were incarcerated in 10 fenced and guarded concentration camps.   Two of these camps were located in California:  Manzanar in Inyo County and Tule Lake in Modoc County. The camp at Tule Lake did not close until March 1946. Encouraged by the War Relocation Authority to resettle in the East and Midwest, approximately one-third of the internees chose this alternative. Some never returned to the West Coast.

Those who did return had to rebuild lives that had been dramatically altered by the concentration camp experience. In some communities, one-third or more of the Japanese population did not return.  Moreover, some nihonmachi did not survive.   Non-Japanese businesses and residents had moved into sections of town previously occupied by Japanese Americans.  The war was also a turning point in generational control of businesses, churches, and community politics, as the adult children of immigrants began to dominate in all spheres of Japanese activities.

The Japanese population of California decreased to 84,956, according to the 1950 census.  Los Angeles County had the largest population, with 36,761. San Francisco, Alameda, Fresno, Sacramento, and Santa Clara counties each had 4,000-6,000 Japanese residents. This period was one of intensive efforts to re-establish Japanese American communities. After serving as hostels for returning internees, churches re-instituted their usual activities and services. The struggle for economic survival began anew. Those nihonmachi able to be rebuilt were again the centers of the Japanese American community, but were less oriented to the immigrant generation. For example, during the 1930s, landscape gardening emerged as an occupation. It gained in importance after World War II as the numbers of nisei working as gardeners increased.

The decade 1950-60 saw almost a doubling of the Japanese population in California, to 157,317.  Los Angeles County again led the state with 77,314, more than seven times the number in Santa Clara County, which had 10,432 Japanese residents. This large increase is generally attributed to the birth of sansei, the third generation of Japanese. A secondary but far less important reason numerically was the gradual return to the West Coast of individuals who had resettled to other areas during the World War II internment. A minor increase may also be attributed to Japanese women immigrating from Asia as wives of U.S. servicemen.

The birth of children resulted in a resurgence of activities in churches, Japanese-language schools, and athletic leagues.  The Japanese population had made the transition from a rural to an urban population with the economic base less oriented to agriculture, although this was still important.  In urban areas, Japanese women frequently worked in secretarial-clerical positions, while men obtained jobs in technical professional areas.  This pattern generally holds true today, although with sansei children in their adult years now, there is increasing technical and professional training, and occupations of greater diversity for both males and females.

SOURCE:  http://www.cr.nps.gov/history/online_books/5views/5views4b.htm


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Little Tokyo is an ethnic Japanese American district in downtown Los Angeles, one of three official Japantowns left in the United States. Founded around the beginning of the 20th century, the area, sometimes called Lil' Tokyo, J-Town, or Sho-tokyo (Japanese), is the cultural center for Japanese Americans in Southern California.

At its peak, Little Tokyo had approximately 30,000 Japanese Americans living in the area.  While a shadow of what it once was in terms of population (only about 1,000 mostly elderly residents actually live there now), Little Tokyo is still the undisputed cultural focal point for Los Angeles's Japanese American population.  It is mainly a work and entertainment district, because Japanese Americans today are likely to live in cities such as Torrance and Gardena, located just south of Los Angeles.

What is left of the original Little Tokyo can be found in roughly four large city blocks. It is bounded on the west by Los Angeles Street, on the east by Alameda Street, on the south by 3rd Street, and on the north by First Street and the Los Angeles Civic Center.   More broadly, Little Tokyo is bordered by the Los Angeles River to the east, downtown Los Angeles to the west, L.A. City Hall and the Parker Center to the north, and the newly named Artist District (made up of warehouses converted into live-work lofts) to the south.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Tokyo,_Los_Angeles,_California


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The Japanese Community on Terminal Island, San Pedro

In an extreme instance, the historical memories of one Japanese community were lost in its entirety. What had happened in Terminal Island, a fishing community near San Pedro, California, is the case in point. It was their misfortune that this community of fishermen who cruised and fished in the coastal waters for their livelihood happened to be located adjacent to naval facilities. Authorities kept their watchful eyes on the activities of these Japanese fishermen in the late 1930s. And, soon after the Pearl Harbor attack, Issei fishermen together with community leaders were taken into custody as suspected enemy aliens. Some families began to move out of Terminal Island voluntarily. Then, the Navy suddenly issued an order on February 25, 1942 demanding that the still remaining two hundred families be removed from Terminal Island by the night of the 27th, only three days later. The forced evacuation of the Japanese residents from Terminal Island, therefore, began five days before Executive Order 9066 went into effect. As most of the adult men had already been detained, women and children had to try to comply with the order in panic. They were forced to sell their families' belongings for a few dollars to wicked dealers who flocked to prey on these unfortunate victims. Whatever they could not get rid of, they dumped into the bay. Reportedly, sunken to the bottom of the bay were books, personal records, photographs and newspaper files.

According to Nanka-sh Nihonjin Shichij-nen Shi [characters] [Japanese in Southern California: A History of 70 Years], Terminal Island was a rapidly growing center of the Japanese fishing industry on the West Coast. A fishermen's association was established in 1915 with a membership of 268 and 152 fishing vessels.    In 1930, Issei and their Nisei children, a total of about 3000, were living in this community.  In 1940, there were 5 medical clinics, 2 drug stores, 21 stores, 14 restaurants, 5 tailors, 2 photographers, 5 barbers, three Japanese language schools, a Japanese language press, a Baptist Church, a Tenriky temple, and a Shint shrine. Nearly all of the 600 pupils who were attending the Terminal Island Public School were Nisei children in that year. Most of the Issei men worked as fishermen, or were employed in the fishing industry; most of the Issei women worked in canneries.

Today, researchers can learn very little about this interesting Japanese fishing community in Southern California. The former residents of Terminal Island could not return to the community after the war, as their community became part of the expanded naval facilities, a restricted area.  The returned evacuees from this community, therefore, were scattered throughout Southern California and had to seek new places of residence and employment.  Few of the historiographical materials are known to have been saved.  For example, the publisher's file of the Minami Engan Jih [characters] [The Southern Coast Herald], a weekly newspaper published in Japanese on Terminal Island, continuously since 1927 until the outbreak of the Pacific War, was lost. Nor are there any materials which can inform researchers about the experiences of fishermen and cannery workers, the working conditions at canneries, or daily lives in this community.  Even when a former resident of Terminal Island is fortunate enough to be located, one has to listen to a sad story that everything is at the bottom of the bay.

SOURCE:  http://content.cdlib.org/view;jsessionid=KrHx2gjfbr8nrK9T?docId=kt109nb6gk&chunk.id=bioghist-1.8.7


* * *


Exerpts from Edward Drewry Jervey, The History of Methodism in Southern California and Arizona.  Nashville, TN:  Parthenon Press for the Historical Society of the Southern California-Arizona Conference, 1960, page 86.

Christian activity among California Japanese started in San Francisco.  In 1877, three young Japanese presented themselves for membership at the Howard Street [Methodist] Church.  The following year a Gospel Society was organized and by 1886 the Japanese work in California and Hawaii had become a district of the California Conference [of the Methodist Episcopal Church, North]. 

Evangelism in southern California began very slow.  Racial prejudice made the task difficult.  Buddhism also attracted large numbers of Japanese people.  In 1900 the Japanese program on the Pacific Coast was organized into a Mission Conference.   By 1910 there were Japanese missions in Oxnard and Santa Clara, where Japanese were employed in agricultural labor.  A residence for working girls in Los Angeles, the Jane Couch Memorial Home, was operated by the [Japanese] Mission Conference with the help of the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Southern California Conference.  By 1937 there were eleven Japanese charges [churches and missions] within the bounds of the Southern California Conference, all small.  The same forces which early in the century had made work difficult were still present.  In Los Angeles County, where 35,000 Japanese lived, there were only three [Japanese] Methodist churches [in 1937].

* * *

The Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles was established February 7, 1918 through the merger of three congregations, the Los Angeles Presbyterian Church (Japanese, est. 1905), the Los Angeles Congregational Church (Japanese, est. 1908), and the Japanese Bethlehem Congregational Church of Los Angeles (est. by 1911).  By combining resources, it was hoped that a larger church with expanded programs could be created to better serve the community.  Rev. Giichi Tanaka was appointed as the first pastor of the church.

* * *

"Bunji and Toshi Kida:  Quaker Missionaries to the Japanese in California"
by Stephen Ward Angell, Earlham College

Under Quaker auspices, Bunji and Toshi Kida helped to found several churches for Japanese-Americans in the period from 1907 to 1917, including a Friends mission in Los Angeles that was eventually absorbed into the Los Angeles Holiness Church.   The Kidas' role in the Christianization of Japanese Americans, however, has been overlooked by scholars.  Arriving in the U.S. in 1907, Bunji Kida became the Japanese Evangelist for the California Yearly Meeting of Friends.  His theology blended together concerns of holiness and Social Gospel Christians.   In 1912, the Kidas opened a Friends mission in Los Angeles, but because of difficulties arising from this, Bunji Kida lost his position as Japanese Evangelist in the Yearly Meeting in 1913.

SOURCE:  http://www.aarweb.org/annualmeet/2003/pbook/abstract.asp?Abstract=Yes&ANum=A215


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American Baptist Mission work among the Japanese in Southern California

Exerpts from Leland D. Hine, Baptists in Southern California.  Valley Forge, PA:  Judson Press, 1966, pages 172-173
(American Baptist Churches in the USA, formerly known as the Northern Baptist Convention).

Baptist missions among the Japanese residents in Southern California have received small but continuing attention.  The modern Baptist aversion to controversy kept most from even attempting to bring a Christian word into the long-term and vicious anti-Japanese controversy.  The Anti-Alien Land Act of 1913 attempted to prohibit Japanese ownership or even tenancy of agricultural land in California.  This objective was strengthened by the initiative amendment in 1920 and by another legislative act in 1923.  Whether or not there was a legitimate fear of too rapid Japanese immigrantion, the objectives and methods of the anti-Japanese movement were obviously wrong.  In spite of frequent warning from missionaries as to the bad effect of this action on missionary work in Japan, California Baptists remained silent.   Long-term Japanese missionary, E. H. Jones, reminded the Convention in 1923, "Every California sign telling the Japanese that they are not wanted here, does more against the Kingdom of Christ than a dozen missionaries can overcome in Japan."

The Japanese work was, of course, disrupted by the evacuation of these people from the Pacific Coast during the Second World War.  At that time there were some mild resolutions urging humane treatment.  One passed in 1944 read:

"Resolved, that we, individually and as a community, cooperate in every was with the War Relocation Authority and with all governmental agencies by receiving with true Christ-like spirit those persons of Japanese ancestry whose return to the Pacific Coast has been duly and regularly authorized, and whose return to their homes in this area will not, in the judgment of those authorities, be inimical to the best interest of our state or nation."

In spite of these various experiences, there has been a slight increase among Japanese Baptists.   In 1935 the various missions formed the Japanese Baptist Union in Southern California.   This structure gave some unity and direction to the scattered congregations.   Like all minority racial groups, the Japanese are still caught in the ambiguities of integration.  More widely accepted than the Negro, the more progressive Japanese would move purposefully toward the extinction of Japanese churches.  Others argue the necessity for some Japanese language services and the desirability of maintaining at least the remnants of Japanese culture.

* * *

Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles

In 1977, Japanese Christian missions celebrated their 100th anniversary in America.   Early Japanese immigrants to America met regularly with White church members to learn about Christianity and the English language.  Later, as Japanese attendance at these group meetings increased, segregated congregations were often established.  The significance of ethnic churches is that they served as social centers as well as places of religious worship for the Japanese American community.

The Union Church of Los Angeles has been particularly important in both these aspects, serving large numbers of Japanese in Los Angeles and surrounding communities.  In addition to its Christian work, the church became known as a place where Japanese could gather. Japanese-language films were shown in the sanctuary auditorium, and the gymnasium encouraged development of Japanese athletic leagues.  The church also sponsored social services programs, a language school, and a hostel on another piece of property.

The Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles building is a three-story, brick and concrete structure. Its San Pedro Street frontage is characterized by four Ionic columns and three stained glass windows.  The tip of the cross that sits atop the building is 45 feet above the street level. Inside are various offices and classrooms.  The church's sanctuary is on the second floor, with a balcony on the third floor.  The basement area once served as a gymnasium, but was later converted into a social hall. Today, the basement has been partitioned to create office space for the Japanese Community Pioneer Center.

The building is located in the heart of the Little Tokyo district of Los Angeles, directly across the street from the Los Angeles Police Department.

The Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles was established February 7, 1918 through the merger of three congregations, the Los Angeles Presbyterian Church (est. 1905), the Los Angeles Congregational Church (est. 1908), and the Japanese Bethlehem Congregational Church of Los Angeles (est. by 1911).  By combining resources, it was hoped that a larger church with expanded programs could be created to better serve the community.  Rev. Giichi Tanaka was appointed as the first pastor of the church.

By 1920, the need for a new church building had become apparent, and a building program was initiated.  Three years later, on March 25, 1923, the new church building at 120 N. San Pedro Street was dedicated.  In the years that followed, the Union Church benefited the entire Japanese American community through its many programs.

During World War II, church members, along with other Japanese Americans on the West Coast, were interned at Heart Mountain in Wyoming.  Rev. Donald Toriumi, who was the church's minister immediately before the exodus, continued to lead the congregation at Heart Mountain.   The church building was used as a Black community center during this period of Japanese absence.

Rev. Sohei Kowta, formerly with the church's social service institute, recognized the need to establish a center to aid Japanese Americans returning from the concentration camps.  Along with the Presbytery and the American Friends Service Committee, he established a resettlement center in the institute's building.  This became known as the Evergreen Hotel, and Rev. Kowta conducted religious services for Union Church members and other residents.

In 1949, the Black community center was relocated, and the Japanese congregation resumed meeting in the San Pedro Street building on November 14 of that year. In 1955, the name of the Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles was changed to the Union Church of Los Angeles.

In the mid-1960s, the City of Los Angeles began formulating plans for redevelopment of the Little Tokyo district.   Plans included widening certain sections of San Pedro Street.  In the years that followed, the congregation weighed its options, and decided to search for a new site. The church property was sold to the City of Los Angeles, which leased the building to the Community Redevelopment Agency.  The building is scheduled for demolition.  New property was purchased at the corner of Third and San Pedro streets where groundbreaking ceremonies were held on October 12, 1975.  On November 7, 1976, the new building was dedicated.

Today, the Sunday congregation numbers about 285 (165 for English-language services and 115-120 for Japanese-language services). Hiroshi Izumi is the Japanese-language pastor, and Duane Takayama is the Director of Christian Education.  Since the retirement of Rev. Howard Toriumi, the church has not appointed a permanent English-language pastor.

In addition to its church services, the Union Church continues to work with the Japanese American community by providing space for various groups.  The church itself sponsors youth and adult fellowship groups, as well as Boy and Girl Scout troops.  The neighboring Little Tokyo Towers, a senior citizens' housing project, uses the church for some of its cultural and social classes. The church also serves as headquarters for the Southern California Church Federation, an association of Japanese Christian Churches.

Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles
Japanese Union Church of Los Angeles



The Korean Community


History of Koreatown

While Los Angeles' Koreatown's boundaries are not formally set, it occupies much of the area of the Wilshire Center, and is found between Arlington Avenue/Wilton Place on the west, Melrose Avenue on the north, Hoover Street on the east, and Pico Boulevard on the south. Hollywood lies to the north, Westlake and Pico-Union lie to the east, Harvard Heights lies to the south, and Country Club Park and Hancock Park lie to the west.

Major thoroughfares include Beverly, Wilshire, and Olympic Boulevards, Western Avenue, Normandie, and Vermont Avenues, and 3rd, 6th, and 8th Streets. The Hollywood Freeway runs through the district's northeast corner.

Prior to the 1960s, Wilshire Center was a wealthy commercial and residential district. As Los Angeles rapidly decentralized along newly constructed freeway corridors, Wilshire Boulevard and the areas surrounding it went into a lengthy decline. With property values drastically diminished, the area saw a heavy influx of Koreans during the 1960s, after restrictions on immigration to the United States from East Asia were lifted in 1965.

Growth of Koreatown

In the 1970s, the Heavy-Chemical Industry Drive initiated by South Korean dictator Park Chung Hee, which displaced much of Korea's petty bourgeoisie, resulted in even more Koreans settling in Wilshire Center, which was soon rechristened "Koreatown." The name "Koreatown" had more to do, however, with the predominance of Korean-owned businesses on the community's major arteries--Western Avenue, Olympic Boulevard, Wilshire Boulevard, Eighth Street, Sixth Street, Third Street and Vermont Avenue--than with the demographics of the residents, as large parts of the area were heavily Latino throughout the 1970s and 1980s while the level of Korean residents in other areas remained low as well.

Violence, riots, and aftermath

Tensions arose when Korean shopkeepers who had experienced actual incidents of armed store robberies or had heard reports of armed store robberies treated black and Latino customers with suspicion. The March 1991 shooting death of black teenager Latasha Harlins at the hands of female Korean grocery clerk Soon Ja Du enraged many living in the area.

Many Korean-owned businesses were looted, damaged, and burned down during the 1992 Los Angeles riots. In the aftermath, much of the Korean population decamped to the San Fernando Valley and Orange County. The vacuum was largely filled by Mexican and Central American immigrants, who continued to make up a large part of the population of the area, particularly in the eastern portions of the neighborhood. At the end of the 1990s, Latino-Americans made up over three-fourths of Koreatown's population, while Asian Americans made up less than one-fifth of the total population.

Revitalization

The early 2000s have seen a revitalization of the area with many Korean-Americans returning, seeking a more urban lifestyle than could be found in Korean-heavy suburbs like Cerritos, and Irvine. The neighborhood has also become invigorated with the arrival of a new generation of middle-class immigrants from Korea, seeking better positions than are generally available in South Korea's stagnant economy. Koreatown has also become a somewhat chic destination for hipsters priced out of Los Feliz, West Hollywood, and Park La Brea, although the area's troublingly high crime rate [2] and crushingly overcrowded schools significantly reduce its desirability for families with children. (According to the LAPD's Wilshire Division, crime in the areas of Koreatown west of Normandie Avenue has plummeted, but gang activity and property crime remaining common in the areas adjoining Westlake and Pico-Union.)

Koreatown now brims with vibrant nightlife and commerce, and the construction of mid-high end residential buildings, including numerous apartments and condominiums continues to attract new residents. As of 2000, the estimated population of Koreans in Los Angeles is about 186,350 or 2% of the population [US Census 2000]. The construction of the Aroma Wilshire Center, a $40 million spa, which opened in June of 2001, caters to the city's affluent Korean population. Another notable addition is the construction of Koreatown Galleria, a 124,000 square foot (12,000 mē) shopping complex, which opened in October, 2001. Koreatown's presence has also notably expanded into Westlake and Country Club Park.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koreatown,_Los_Angeles,_California


* * *

 

Korean Immigrants In America

By Minjok Tongshin

January 18, 2002


Adapted from Chapter Ten:  THE ROLE OF IMMIGRANT CHURCH

In Los Angeles the situation, however, was somewhat different. A retired missionary, Mrs. Sherman, opened a residential mission center in March 1904 with assistance from a Methodist church. The center had evening classes in Bible study and English for Korean immigrants and services were conducted on Sunday until June, 1910.

After this, a number of Korean preachers served the mission but it became inactive. By October 1930, the Korean Methodist Church of Los Angeles was officially established, not by a Korean but by Rev. Davids, an American preacher. Rev. Whang Sa-yong was invited to serve the church soon after that. And much like the situation in San Francisco, Rev. Whang Sa-yong retired and moved to Honolulu. The church invited a brilliant young minister, Chiang Key-hyung, for the Pacific School of Religion in Berkeley. For the first time, the church had a bi-lingual minister to serve the second generation congregation.

Besides the Methodist church, there was a Presbyterian church, which also served the Korean community in Los Angeles. According to Mrs. Chung He-kyong of Los Angeles, the Korean Presbyterian Church of Los Angeles began in 1918. She came to Los Angeles in 1916 as the picture bride of Mr. Chung In-young who had gone to Hawaii in 1904. Mrs. Chung said that the church started with the members of a social club--Chinae-hoe--under the leadership of Rev. Hong Chi-bum, a brother-in-law of Rev. Min Chan-ho. There were about 40 to 50 people in the congregation which lasted until 1922 when Rev. Hong moved out of the church with about 20 followers due to a difference in opinion among the church leaders.

Rev. Hong was soon invited to the Methodist church and the remainder of the Presbyterian church met without a minister. The determined congregation worked hard to recover their strength and the congregation again increased to about 40 by 1925. A small group of the officers of the church went to see and appeal to the Presbyterian church headquarters for official recognition. The Los Angeles Presbytery responded happily and sent Dr. Preacher and two other delegates from the office to meet with the Korean congregation. It so happened that there were about 50 people attending when these official delegates came to see them at one Sunday service.

Dr. Preacher said to the congregation that if they have that many worshippers, then an official recognition is in order. The Korean Presbyterian Church was officially established on the spot. Mr. Cho Sung-hwa was ordained as a presbyter. From that time on, the congregation saved money for a church building. They bought a house as a worship place for $3,000 down and made 19 monthly payments thereafter. In 1927, Rev. Kim Jung-soo, who came to America to attend a Sunday School Convention from Korea, was invited to stay as a minister. Later Rev. Kim resigned his position and started an independent church of his own which was primarily to care for the elders in Los Angeles. The church was again left without a minister.

In 1937, Rev. Kim Sung-nak was invited to minister to the Presbyterian church as a national mission worker by the Los Angeles Presbytery.  Rev. Kim, then was building a pioneering church in a slum area, Pyongyang, Korea, while teaching a course in philosophy at Soongsil Christian College. Because of his patriotic activities and pioneering in a slum church, he was under constant surveillance by the Japanese police.

The Korean Presbyterian Church was sharing a Black church building on Denker Street when Rev. Kim Sung-nak arrived. There were about 1,000 Koreans living in Los Angeles. Rev. Kim recalled: "When we arrived...there were three Korean churches in Los Angeles and the Korean community was so small, and didn’t need three churches, so I thought of creating a single Korean community church.  At that time, Rev. Whang Sa-yong worked with the Methodist.  The Presbyterian Church was without a minister.  I was to fill it.  I really thought one church would serve the community best."

Dr. Kim didn’t get much support from anyone. He was disappointed, but had to meet his assignment for his church. He felt that the church needed a building. He started efforts to raise funds for a church building. He recalled, "I spoke, my wife sang, and since we didn’t have a car, we took the street car to everywhere with our infant daughter two months old. We made a total of 76 appearances."  He remembered that it was customary to get paid $5 for preaching, but he told the host church to send the contribution to the Presbyterian headquarters to add to the Korean church building fund instead of paying him. They all sent in more than just $5 but about $50. The Vermont Presbyterian Church in Los Angeles, Rev. Kim recalled, sent in the largest contribution of $500.00.

By Thanksgiving, the foundation was laid and the next year, Easter, 1938, the Korean Presbyterian Church on West Jefferson Boulevard was dedicated.  It became a source of pride of the Korean community and has remained as a historical site there. This was the first Korean Presbyterian Church to be owned by Koreans. It is still the only Korean owned Presbyterian church according to Dr. Kim. Dr. Kim is not only a recognized church leader but also a well-known educator, and a community leader.  He was one of the five who were invited to Korea by the American Military Government in 1945 immediately following its liberation from the occupation of Japan.

SOURCE:  http://www.minjok.com/article/index.php3?type=special&code=584

* * *

Exerpts from Edward Drewry Jervey, The History of Methodism in Southern California and Arizona.  Nashville, TN:  Parthenon Press for the Historical Society of the Southern California-Arizona Conference, 1960, pages 86-87.   (California Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, North). 

Christian activity among Koreans was also scattered, but the [Methodist] Church was alert to whatever opportunity presented itself.  In 1909 the only Methodist Episcopal Mission for Koreans in the entire United States was in Los Angeles. The Los Angeles Missionary Society gave most of the support for it.  Mr. and Mrs. Walter H. Fisher of the First Methodist Church also worked part-time among these Koreans.   This devoted lay couple was deeply interest in the missions.  Mrs. Fisher was at one time President of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society.   Mr. Fisher was one of the Trustees of the first Japanese Methodist Church formed in Los Angeles.   They also participated in the Chinese Mission at First [Methodist] Church.   Koreans were never to be found in southern California in extensive numbers, but by 1939 a gradual increase was noticeable.  At Unification [in 1939] the Methodists had an organized society of one hundred and twenty-five [Korean] members but no buildings.  

*  *  *


Korean Ethnic Church Growth Phenomenon in the United States

 By Chul Tim Chang

 A paper presented at the American Academy of Religion in Claremont, CA

 March 12, 2006

About the author:  Dr. Chul Tim Chang is the Associate Pastor at the Berendo Street Baptist Church in Los Angeles. He received his PhD degree from Fuller Theological Seminary in Pasadena, California.

The growth of the Korean ethnic church in the United States, or the Korean American church, from its beginning in 1902 to 2001, is both a social and spiritual phenomenon. It started with one congregation in San Francisco, and after one hundred years, it has grown to more than three thousand churches. This paper seeks to provide a historical outline of how this large growth, both socially and spiritually, has taken place and also to provide a general description of its organization.

First, I’ll discuss the beginning of the Korean ethnic church movement in San Francisco in 1902 with Changho Ahn and his wife. Second, I’ll note how it grew from the early 1900s to the Korean War. Third, I’ll outline its rapid growth from post Korean War to 2001. And fourth, I’ll share what I believe to be twenty-two characteristics of a typical Korean ethnic church in the United States.

1. Beginning of the Korean Ethnic Church Movement

The first Korean church in the United States started on October 14, 1902 in San Francisco after the arrival of Changho Ahn, also known as Dosan (“island mountain”), and his wife, “Helen.”

Dosan became a Christian while attending the Salvation School in Seoul, established by Horace G. Underwood, the first ordained Presbyterian missionary from the United States to Korea (B. I. Kim 1995:23). After his conversion, Dosan sought to convert others to the Christian religion, which he believed would help Korea to become a strong nation. Yong-Taek Chon attributed the following quote to Ahn: “Only in the days when our people all have a Bible in their hands will our nation be able to stand on its own feet” (Gardiner 1979:25).

With the help of Underwood and other missionaries, the Ahns were able to immigrate to the United States to do “further studies in theology and education” (J. Pak Interview 2001). When they arrived in San Francisco, there were less than fifty Koreans in Hawaii and on the mainland (Choy 1979:72). When Dosan first met the Koreans living in San Francisco, he was appalled. They lived reckless lives and were prone to much fighting.

He became concerned with their welfare and also with the negative image they gave to Americans about Korean people (Choy 1979:80).

Dosan’s concern for Koreans in America, together with his passion for theological study, led him to initiate a church for the Koreans to study the Bible and to better themselves as one nation. As well, he found himself very busy meeting the practical needs of the San Francisco Korean community. At first, some were suspicious of his motive for cleaning, planting, and doing whatever he could at no charge, but eventually he was able to win their hearts and became their pastor, friend and trusted advisor (Choy 1979:81).  

It was during his stay in San Francisco that Dosan changed from pursuing “further studies in theology and education” to becoming a “social activist and community organizer” (J. Pak Interview 2001). In 1905, Dosan founded the first Korean political organization, Kongnip Hyop Hoe, the “Mutual Assistance Association,” in the United States (Choy1979:81).  

When Dosan moved to Riverside, California, in 1905, he founded another church for the Korean people who worked there as fruit pickers and domestic helpers. From 1907 until his death in 1938, he gave most of his attention, with limited involvement in the church, to freeing the motherland from Japanese oppressors.

2. Growth of the Early Korean Ethnic Church  

The second Korean ethnic church in the United States [Hawaii], led by Seung-Ha Hong from Neri Methodist Church, was founded on January 13, 1903 after the arrival of the first large Korean immigration which brought one hundred and one Koreans to work on Hawaii’s sugar and pineapple plantations. By 1906, just three years later, there were 4,700 Koreans on the plantations (Patterson 2000:55).  

Living on the plantations was no paradise. Using a collection of first-hand accounts of the daily life on the plantations, we may see what they experienced: (1) “During those early days on the plantations, we lived in one big camp. The families were given small houses for themselves, and the single men lived in big barracks.” (2) “A working day on the plantation followed the same pattern day in and day out. The cook would get up at three in the morning, prepare breakfast, and make lunches for the field hands, who got up at five. A train would take them to the place of work in the fields, after the lunas [foremen] had gone to the head boss to get their assignments for the day.” (3) “We worked in the hot sun for 10 hours a day. I was not used to this kind of work, and I had a difficult time.

But I did the best I could and struggled along with the other men.” And (4) “[t]here were three haole [white] bosses. They were good men. They gave us free houses and anything we needed, if we were good and did not cause trouble” (Patterson and H.-C. Kim 1977:29-32).  

More than any other denomination, the Methodists were successful in reaching the Koreans working on the plantations. By 1916, there were as many as thirty-one Korean Methodist churches and thirty-five Methodist mission stations with over 2,800 members collectively throughout the Hawaiian islands (K. Chong and M. G. Son 1991:50).

Hawaiian Methodist Mission Superintendents, often in cooperation with the plantation owners, employed Korean ministers to work with the immigrant churches and mission stations.  

Syngman Rhee, a well educated man with a Ph.D. from Princeton University, who would eventually become the first president of the South Korean Republic, did not work well under the control of Methodist Superintendents. He broke from the Korean Methodist Church in Hawaii in 1916 and formed his own church and denomination, the Korean Christian Church.  By the time of World War II, the Korean Christian Church had 1,000 members in Hawaii (Patterson 2000:67).  

In search of easier and better lives, the Koreans left plantation and farm work and moved as soon as possible to the cities, consolidating the many plantation and farm churches and mission stations to a small number of city churches. By 1950, there were only fifteen Korean ethnic churches serving about 10,000 Koreans living in the United States (Chang 2003:86; Shin 1971:200).  

Woong-Min Kim cites nine Korean ethnic churches on the mainland before the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 (1981:55):

For the early immigrants the church, more than any other social organization, acted as the center of the community. According to Bon Y. Choy, the church served three key functions (1979:263): (1) as “the social center and means of cultural identification for Koreans in America;” (2) as an “educational function by teaching American-born Koreans the Korean language, history, and culture;” and (3) as the place that kept “Korean nationalism alive.”  

The church, for many early Korean immigrants, was much more than a place to worship God and learn about the Bible. It was their home. It was the one place where they could be themselves, eat their own food, speak their own language. The church consequently became an extended family with the church pastor as the father and priest.  

3. Rapid Growth of the Korean Ethnic Church following the Korean War:  1951-2001  

At the end of the Korean War, the United States gave special permission to four different groups of Koreans to immigrate: the wives of U.S. servicemen, orphans who were usually mixed race, students, and highly skilled professionals. The last two groups were primarily responsible for starting new churches from 1951 to 1973.  

Taek-Yong Kim lists a total of twenty new churches that were started between 1951 to 1967 (1985:93):

By 1967, there were 35 churches, by 1970, 100 churches, and by 1973, 200 churches (Chang 2003:86; T-Y Kim 1985:95). As in previous cases, the church acted as the community center where Koreans gathered to meet their social and spiritual needs.  

After the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, tens of thousands of Koreans annually immigrated to the United States. From 1976 to 1989, a steady flow of 30,000 to 35,000 immigrants arrived each year. By 1991, the number of Korean churches had swelled to 2,515 (W-S Chung 1996:11).  

By 2001, there were 3,375 Korean churches in the United States listed in The Korean Church Directory in America (2001:1-264). California alone had 1,108 churches. Nine states had over 100 churches: New York (356), Illinois (221), New Jersey (171), Virginia (157), Texas (153), Maryland (141), Pennsylvania (113), Washington (111), and Georgia (110). Three states possessed 50 to 99 churches: Hawaii (77), Florida (61), and South Carolina (54). The remaining 37 states had less than 50 churches.  

In regard to Korean American church membership, Ryan Chang found that 68 percent of Koreans in Los Angeles were church members (1989:197, 201). However, Woo-Song Chung argues, depending on location, church attendance fluctuated from 45 to 75 percent (1996:15).

SOURCE:  http://www.duke.edu/~myhan/kaf0603.pdf



The Filipino Community


Filipino culture is primarily based on the cultures of the various native groups, and has influence from Spanish and Mexican, as well Chinese and Indian cultures.  The customs and traditions of the Roman Catholic faith are Spain's lasting legacy.

Unlike its Muslim majority neighbors, Malaysia and Indonesia, the Philippines is an overwhelmingly Christian country.  As a result of Spanish colonization and evangelization spanning just over three centuries, most contemporary Filipinos, regardless of native ethnic group, are Christians; over 83% are Roman Catholic with various smaller Christian denominations.   However, a significant minority of Filipinos (the majority in Mindanao and most of the Sulu Archipelago) are to this day still adherents of Islam. Filipino Muslims constitute 5% of the population.

* * *

Historic Filipinotown, is a district of Los Angeles, located between Westlake and Echo Park.   Specifically, the district is bounded by the 101 Freeway to the north, Beverly Boulevard to the south, Hoover Street to the west, and Glendale Boulevard to the east, northwest of Downtown Los Angeles.   It was created by a resolution proposed by city councilmember Eric Garcetti on August 2, 2002.  The crosswalks in Filipinotown have been decorated with traditional Filipino basket weaving patterns.

Historic Filipinotown is historically one of the few areas where Filipinos first settled during the early part of the 20th century.  Many Filipino-American families began purchasing homes and establishing businesses in the area beginning from the 1940s, shifting away from the Little Tokyo area in the 1920s and the Bunker Hill area later.

In modern times, Historic Filipinotown reflects the polyglot nature of Los Angeles.  While the district still has a sizable Filipino population, they are in the minority, overshadowed by a sizable Mexican and Central American population.  Nevertheless, the area still has one of the highest concentrations of Filipino Americans in Southern California and still remains the cultural heart of Filipinos throughout Los Angeles.  Of the 100,000 Filipinos that reside in the City of Los Angeles, an estimated 6,900 are within Historic Filipinotown.

The Historic Filipinotown Chamber of Commerce leads the effort for commercial expansion in the area. Many Filipino service organizations and institutions, such as the Pilipino Workers Center (PWC), Filipino American Community of Los Angeles (FACLA), Filipino American Service Group, Inc. (FASGI), and most notably, Search to Involve Pilipino Americans (SIPA), are located in Historic Filipinotown. The area is also host to many Filipino restaurants, churches, and medical clinics. On November 11, 2006, the City of Los Angeles dedicated the first Filipino WWII Veterans Memorial in the nation at Lake St. Park in Historic Filipinotown site of the former Our Lady of Loretto High School.

Future plans for Historic Filipinotown include naming a park after Filipino labor leader, Philip Vera Cruz, and placing a monument of Philippine national hero, Jose Rizal, at another park in the district.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historic_Filipinotown

* * *


Exerpts from Edward Drewry Jervey, The History of Methodism in Southern California and Arizona.  Nashville, TN:  Parthenon Press for the Historical Society of the Southern California-Arizona Conference, 1960, page 87.  (California Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, North)

Christianization among the Filipinos began in conjunction with the Pasadena Methodist Church in 1916.  For more than ten years the group was housed by the Goodwill Industries.  From it came nearly every leader among Filipinos on the [Pacific] Coast.  Evangelism was extremely ardous because most of them were single men who migrated frequently.  At Unification [in 1939], when there was no property of any description in southern California for Filipino Christian work, the entire endeavor was placed with Chinese and Korean activity in the California Oriental Mission.

* * *

In 1997, the IDEA DATABASE for the Los Angeles 5-County Region contained the following 56 Filipino churches, sorted by city:

TRADITION CLASCODE DENCODE CHURCH_NAME ADDRESS CITY STATE ZIPCODE
BAPTIST B2.2305 CBA FILIPINO CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP CH 2528 W LA PALMA AVE ANAHEIM CA 92801-2611
MARGINAL CHRISTIAN C7.0501 INIC IGLESIA NI CRISTO 420 S HARBOR BLVD ANAHEIM CA 92805-3703
INDEPENDENT FUNDAMENTALIST B2.406 IBCH ARLETA FIL-AM BIBLE CHURCH 14055 VAN NUYS BLVD ARLETA CA 91331-4546
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA GRACE COMMUNITY ALLIANCE CHURCH 14900 CENTRAL AVE BALDWIN PARK CA 91706-5620
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.6041 CCCOC IGLESIA NI CRISTO 3260 MAINE AVE BALDWIN PARK CA 91706-4949
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX PRAISE FILIPINO CHURCH 3221 VINELAND AVE APT 2 BALDWIN PARK CA 91706-5166
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC PRESBYTERIAN FILIPINO CHURCH 4428 STEWART AVE BALDWIN PARK CA 91706-2467
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FILIPINO SO BAPTIST MISSION 17604 VIRGINIA AVE BELLFLOWER CA 90706-6436
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC UNITED BAPTIST CHURCH 435 W 220TH ST CARSON CA 90745-2832
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENT CH 3417 FAY AVE CULVER CITY CA 90232-7435
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FILIPINO BAPTIST MISSION 9131 WATSON ST CYPRESS CA 90630-3061
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.021 ICCC FILIPINO COMMUNITY CHURCH 11608 VALLEY BLVD EL MONTE CA 91732-3036
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC INTERNATIONAL BAPTIST MISSION 23302 EL TORO RD EL TORO CA 92630-4807
LUTHERAN B1.103 CLB FILIPINO BIBLE CHURCH 1465 W ORANGETHORPE AVE FULLERTON CA 92633-4632
ADVENTIST B3.201 SDAGC CENTRAL FILIPINO SDA CHURCH 6501 YORK BLVD GLENDALE CA 91206
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FIRST FILIPINO BAPTIST MISSION 725 N CENTRAL AVE GLENDALE CA 91203-1203
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX GLENDALE FILIPINO CHURCH 2261 E GLENOAKS BLVD GLENDALE CA 91206-3022
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.06 INDNP FILIPINO BIBLE CHURCH 16062 PEPPERTREE LN LA MIRADA CA 90638-3460
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC CORNERSTONE INT'L CHRISTIAN CH 1130 CALIFORNIA AVE LA PUENTE CA 91744-1926
ADVENTIST B3.201 SDAGC LOMA LINDA FILIPINO SDA CHURCH PO BOX J LOMA LINDA CA 92354-0100
BAPTIST B2.2101 BGC FIL-AM BAPTIST CHURCH 3600 DENVER AVE LONG BEACH CA 90810-2205
BAPTIST B2.2305 CBA FIL-AM CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP 2250 CLARK AVE LONG BEACH CA 90815-2521
BAPTIST B2.2306 GARB FILIPINO FUNDAMENTAL BAPTIST 4130 GARDENIA AVE LONG BEACH CA 90807-3007
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FIRST FILIPINO BAPTIST MISSION 2300 W WARDLOW RD LONG BEACH CA 90810-2050
BAPTIST B2.2308 IBAP GATEWAY BAPTIST CHURCH 701 W WILLOW ST LONG BEACH CA 90806-2834
MARGINAL CHRISTIAN C7.0501 INIC IGLESIA NI CRISTO 1200 ATLANTIC AVE LONG BEACH CA 90813-3315
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG LONG BEACH FILIPINO FOURSQUARE CH 230 E SOUTH ST LONG BEACH CA 90805-4632
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CENTRAL FILIPINO CHURCH 777 COLORADO BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90041-1701
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2301 CCC CONGREGATIONAL CHRISTIAN CHURCH 2400 W TEMPLE ST LOS ANGELES CA 90026-4818
BAPTIST B2.2306 GARB FAITH CALVARY BAPTIST CHURCH 825 WATERLOO ST LOS ANGELES CA 90026-4039
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.06 INDNP FILIPINO BIBLE CHURCH 4343 TOLAND WAY LOS ANGELES CA 90041-3455
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.601 CCDC FILIPINO CHRISTIAN CHURCH 301 N UNION AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90026-5411
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ FILIPINO MINISTRY/1ST CH OF NAZ 3401 W 3RD ST LOS ANGELES CA 90020-1604
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2304 UCC FIRST FILIPINO UNITED CH OF CHRIST 5080 N MAYWOOD AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90041-2054
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.601 CCDC IGLESIA NI CRISTO 141 N UNION AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90026-5407
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC L.A. FILIPINO FAITH BAPTIST CHURCH 837 S PARK VIEW ST LOS ANGELES CA 90057-3913
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG PAPURI FILIPINO COMM FOURSQUARE 1615 PARK AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90026-4255
INDEPENDENT FUNDAMENTALIST B2.406 IBCH PHILIPINO BIBLE MISSION PO BOX 291144 LOS ANGELES CA 90029-9144
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG PRAISE CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP 1825 BEVERLY BLVD LOS ANGELES CA 90057-2501
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC WESTSIDE FILIPINO BAPTIST MISSION 1430 S CENTINELA AVE LOS ANGELES CA 90025-2501
BAPTIST B2.2305 CBA CHRISTIAN BIBLE FELLOWSHIP 136 S 7TH ST MONTEBELLO CA 90640-4703
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2304 UCC FAITH BIBLE CHURCH 10919 OXNARD ST NORTH HOLLYWOOD CA 91606-4909
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FILIPINO-AMERICAN SOUTHERN BAPT CH 8200 COLDWATER CANYON AVE NORTH HOLLYWOOD CA 91605-1130
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA GRACE ALLIANCE CHURCH 6850 SOMERSET BLVD PARAMOUNT CA 90723-3709
METHODIST B2.3210 EMCA 1ST FILIPINO-AM EVANG METH CH 260 N OAKLAND AVE PASADENA CA 91101-1645
PENTECOSTAL-HOLINESS B4.0209 FBHC FILIPINO FULL GOSPEL FELLOWSHIP 140 N OAK KNOLL AVE PASADENA CA 91101-1818
BAPTIST B2.201 BMISC FIRST FILIPINO BAPTIST CHURCH 2107 E VILLA ST PASADENA CA 91107-2436
BAPTIST B2.2313 SBC FILIPINO BAPTIST MISSION 1717 OTTERBEIN AVE ROWLAND HEIGHTS CA 91748-3025
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.06 INDNP CELEBRATION CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP 1533 4TH ST SANTA MONICA CA 90401-2310
ADVENTIST B3.201 SDAGC CRESCENTA VALLEY FILIPINO 6331 HONOLULU AVE TUJUNGA CA 91042-3463
HOLINESS B2.520 TMC COMMUNITY BIBLE CHURCH 14339 HAMLIN ST VAN NUYS CA 91401-1408
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.06 INDNP CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP BIBLE CHURCH 18780 AMAR RD #101 WALNUT CA 91789-4100
UNCLASSIFIED G2.0 MISC FILIPINO AMERICAN CHURCH 1229 E MOBECK ST WEST COVINA CA 91790-3832
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.699 OCC FILIPINO CHRISTIAN CHURCH 12120 ROSE HEDGE DR WHITTIER CA 90606-2532
REFORMED-PRESBYTERIAN B1.2400 ORPCC CALVARY PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH PO BOX 517 WILMINGTON CA 90748-0517
UNCLASSIFIED G2.0 MISC ST. MEL PARISH 4110 CORONA AVE CORONA CA 91719

Note:  The religious Traditions and Classification Codes (CLASCODES) used in this table are explained in A Classification System of Religious Groups in the Americas by Major Traditions and Family Types (created by Clifton L. Holland of IDEA-PROLADES Ministries, latest version 2007). 


 

The Cambodian Community

In 1997, the IDEA DATABASE for the Los Angeles 5-County Region contained the following nine Cambodian churches, sorted by city:

TRADITION CLASCODE DENCODE CHURCH_NAME ADDRESS CITY STATE ZIPCODE
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA L A CAMBODIAN ALLIANCE CHURCH 2100 S STIMSON AVE LA PUENTE CA 91745-4625
PROTESTANT-UNCLASSIFIED B5.0 PRXX CAMBODIA CAMPUS CRUSADE FOR CHRIST 5715 CALIFORNIA AVE LONG BEACH CA 90805-4738
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH CAMBODIAN BUDDHIST SOCIETY 1239 E 20TH ST LONG BEACH CA 90806
BUDDHIST D1.1 BUDH CAMBODIAN BUDDHIST TEMPLE 1056 CHERRY AVE LONG BEACH CA 90813
PENTECOSTAL-FINISHED WORK B4.0406 ICFG CAMBODIAN FOURSQUARE GOSPEL CHURCH 2416 E 11TH ST LONG BEACH CA 90804-3535
BRETHREN B2.1204 FGBC CAMBODIAN GRACE BRETHREN CHURCH 3601 LINDEN AVE LONG BEACH CA 90807-4001
HOLINESS B2.5091 CNAZ KYMER CAMBODIAN NAZARENE CHURCH 1800 E ANAHEIM ST LONG BEACH CA 90813-3906
RESTORATION MOVEMENT B2.603 CCNI GOLDEN WEST CAMBODIAN CHRISTIAN 1310 LIBERTY ST LOS ANGELES CA 90026-2516
HOLINESS B2.505 CMA CAMBODIAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH 15711 PIONEER BLVD NORWALK CA 90650-6534

Note:  The religious Traditions and Classification Codes (CLASCODES) used in this table are explained in A Classification System of Religious Groups in the Americas by Major Traditions and Family Types (created by Clifton L. Holland of IDEA-PROLADES Ministries, latest version 2007). 



The Vietnamese Community


Little Saigon in Orange County

The oldest, largest, and most prominent Little Saigon is in Westminster and Garden Grove in Orange County, California, where Vietnamese Americans constitute 30.7% and 21.4% of the population, respectively, as of the 2000 Census. Whereas ethnic Vietnamese are predominant in this population, in many cases, the population also consists of some people of Chinese Vietnamese origin, many of whom arrived during the second refugee wave in 1980 and own a large share of businesses in Little Saigon today. Despite the title "Little Saigon," there are also many Hispanic and remaining white residents as well as some Cambodian and Laotian immigrants residing in the area.

About 50 miles north of Camp Pendleton, Westminster was once a predominantly white middle-class suburban city of Los Angeles with ample farmland, but the city later experienced a decline by the 1970s. Since 1978, the nucleus of Little Saigon has long been Bolsa Avenue, where early pioneers Danh Quach and Frank Jao established businesses. During that year, the well-known Nguoi Viet Daily News also began publishing from a home in Garden Grove. Other new Vietnamese-American arrivals soon revitalized the area by opening their own businesses in old, formerly white-owned storefronts, and investors constructed large shopping centers containing a mix of businesses. The Vietnamese community and businesses later spread into adjacent Garden Grove, Stanton, Fountain Valley, Anaheim, and Santa Ana.

In 1988, a freeway offramp sign was placed on the Garden Grove Freeway (California State Highway 22) designating the exits leading to Little Saigon.  Bolsa Avenue in Westminster's eastern neighbor, Santa Ana, has also been designated a Little Saigon, but there are fewer businesses in the area than in either Westminster or Garden Grove.  In 2003, some controversies emerged in Santa Ana over a proposed Little Saigon sign to promote its burgeoning Vietnamese commercial area with a design incorporating Vietnamese translation and a South Vietnamese flag. The sign was approved, but redesigned and placed on Euclid Avenue and First Street.

The year 1987 saw an increase in Vietnamese-American street gang activity, as Westminster police reported an increase of extortion targeting small Vietnamese immigrant businesses. However, according to the Morgan Quitno annual study on the safety of individual US cities, both Garden Grove and Westminster are both safer than most US cities.

San Gabriel Valley

Due to the large influx and presence of relatively poor ethnic Chinese refugees from Vietnam in the 1980s (which also coincided with the arrival of immigrant elite from Taiwan and Hong Kong), the San Gabriel Valley region of Los Angeles has another important concentration of Vietnamese in Southern California. While not generally referred to as "Little Saigon", the stretch of Garvey Avenue in the working-class barrios of Rosemead, California, South El Monte, California, and El Monte, California have a relatively heavy but scattered collection of businesses owned mainly by majority ethnic Chinese Vietnamese with a growing number of ethnic Vietnamese residents and business owners as well. Many of these businesses are housed in tiny strip malls whereas others occupy freestanding, aging buildings. These Vietnamese businesses are very gradually replacing businesses owned by Hispanics.

Rosemead is the Vietnamese center of the San Gabriel Valley. One particular shopping center in Rosemead, called Diamond Square, is anchored by the Taiwanese American chain 99 Ranch Market and contains various Chinese Vietnamese small businesses and a food court catering to local Asians. It remains a major hub for working-class Vietnamese and Mainland Chinese expatriates residing in the area.

Many Vietnamese of ethnic Chinese origin also tend to own countless businesses - especially supermarkets, restaurants, beauty parlors, and auto repair shops - in the main general mixed-Chinese commercial thoroughfares of Garvey Avenue in Monterey Park, California and Valley Boulevard in Alhambra, California, San Gabriel, California, and Rosemead. There are already several pho and banh mi eateries represented along Valley Boulevard.

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Add table of churches

 

Note:  The religious Classification Codes (CLASCODES) used in this table are explained in A Classification System of Religious Groups in the Americas by Major Traditions and Family Types (created by Clifton L. Holland of IDEA-PROLADES Ministries, latest version 2007). 


 

The Asian Indian Community

 

India, the most populous country in South Asia, is a peninsula bounded by Nepal and the Himalaya mountains to the north, Pakistan to the northwest, the Indian Ocean to the south, the Arabian Sea to the west, and the Bay of Bengal to the east.  India occupies about 1,560,000 square miles.

Second in population only to China, India is home to around 900 million people of diverse ethnicity, religion and language.  About 82 percent of all Indians are Hindus.  Approximately 12 percent are Muslims, while smaller minorities include Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and Zoroastrians.    While official Indian languages include Hindi, which is spoken by about 30 percent of the population, and English, hundreds of dialects are spoken in India.

Languages

India is a multi-lingual country with over 300 dialects.    About 24 of these dialects are spoken by over a million people.  This diversity is reflected in the Asian Indian community in America.  First-generation Indians continue to speak their native language within the family—with spouses, members of the extended family, and friends within the community.  Most also speak English fluently, which has made the transition to American society easier for many Indian immigrants.in the Walnut-Diamond Bar communities.

Regional differences are prevalent. Hindi is spoken mostly by immigrants from northern India, and is generally not spoken by South Indians.   Immigrants from the states of southern India speak regional languages like Tamil, Telegu or Malayalam. A substantial number of immigrants from western India, particularly those from the state of Gujarat, continue to speak Gujarati, while those from the region of Bengal speak Bengali.  Most second- and third-generation Asian Indians understand the language spoken by their parents and extended family, but tend not to speak it themselves.  Many Indians are multilingual and speak several Indian languages.  Thus, a Gujarati speaker is likely to know Hindi as well.

Immigration to the USA

In many accounts, immigrants to the United States from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh are referred to as Asian Indians. The first Asian Indians or Indian Americans, as they are also known, arrived in America as early as the middle of the nineteenth century.  By the end of the nineteenth century, about 2,000 Indians, most of them Sikhs (a religious minority from India's Punjab region), settled on the west coast of the United States, having come in search of economic opportunity.  The majority of Sikhs worked in agriculture and construction.    Other Asian Indians came as merchants and traders; many worked in lumber mills and logging camps in the western states of Oregon, Washington and California, where they rented bunkhouses, acquired knowledge of English, and assumed Western dress.   Most of the Sikhs, however, refused to cut their hair or beards or forsake the wearing of the turbans that their religion required. 

In 1907 about 2,000 Asian Indians, alongside other immigrants from China, Japan, Korea, Norway and Italy worked on the building of the Western Pacific Railway in California.  Other Asian Indians helped build bridges and tunnels for California's other railroad projects.

Between 1910 and 1920, as agricultural work in California began to become more abundant and better paying, many Asian Indian immigrants turned to the fields and orchards for employment.  For many of the immigrants who had come from villages in rural India, farming was both familiar and preferable.  There is evidence that Indians began to bargain, often successfully, for better wages during this time. Some Indians eventually settled permanently in the California valleys where they worked. Despite the 1913 Alien Land Law, enacted by the California legislature to discourage Japanese immigrants from purchasing land, many Asian Indians bought land as well; by 1920 Asian Indians owned 38,000 acres in California's Imperial Valley and 85,000 acres in the Sacramento Valley.  Because there was virtually no immigration by Indian women during this time, it was not unheard of for Indian males to marry Mexican women and raise families.

In July 1946, Congress passed a bill allowing naturalization for Indians and, in 1957, the first Asian Indian senator, Dalip Saund, was elected to Congress.  While more educated and professional Indians began to enter America, immigration restrictions and tight quotas ensured that only small numbers of Indians entered the country prior to 1965.  Overall, approximately 6,000 Asian Indians immigrated to the United States between 1947 and 1965.

From 1965 onward, a second significant wave of Indian immigration began, spurred by a change in U.S. immigration law that lifted prior quotas and restrictions and allowed significant numbers of Asians to immigrate.  Between 1965 and 1974, Indian immigration to the United States increased at a rate greater than that from almost any other country.  This wave of immigrants was very different from the earliest Indian immigrants—Indians that emigrated after 1965 were overwhelmingly urban, professional, and highly educated and quickly engaged in gainful employment in many U.S. cities.  Many had prior exposure to Western society and education and their transition to the United States was therefore relatively smooth.  More than 100,000 such professionals and their families entered the U.S. in the decade after 1965.

Almost 40 percent of all Indian immigrants who entered the United States in the decades after 1965 arrived on student or exchange visitor visas, in some cases with their spouses and dependents. Most of the students pursued graduate degrees in a variety of disciplines. They were often able to find promising jobs and prosper economically, and many became permanent residents and then citizens.

The 1990 Census reported 570,000 Asian Indians in the United States of America.  About 32 percent are settled in the Northeast, 26 percent in the South, 23 percent in the West, and 19 percent in the midwestern states.  New York, California, and New Jersey are the three states with the highest concentrations of Asian Indians. In California, where the first Indian immigrants arrived, the cities of San Francisco and Los Angeles are home to the oldest established Asian Indian communities in the United States.

In general, the Asian Indian community has preferred to settle in the larger American cities rather than smaller towns, especially in New York City, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Chicago.

Religion

The earliest Hindu mandir, or temple, the "old temple," existed in San Francisco as early as 1920, but in general the religious needs of Hindu Asian Indians prior to the 1950s were served mainly through ethnic and community organizations like the Hindu Society of India. Since the 1950s, Hindu and Sikh temples have increasingly been built for worship in cities with high concentrations of Asian Indians like New York, Los Angeles and Chicago, while Asian Muslims worship at mosques and Christians at existing churches.  There are now more than a hundred places of worship for Asian Indians around the United States.

All Hindus, regardless of their regional differences and the particular gods they worship, tend to worship at available temples.    While Hindus are functionally polytheistic, they are philosophically monotheist.  Brahman priests typically lead the service and recite from the scriptures.  Services can be conducted in either Sanskrit, Hindi, or the regional languages. Poojas, or religious ceremonies that celebrate auspicious occasions like the birth of a child, are also performed by the priests.  While some priests serve full time, others might have a second occupation in addition to performing priestly duties.

While some Asian Indians visit temples regularly, others limit their visits to important religious occasions.  Since Hinduism tends to be less formally organized than other religions like Christianity, prayer meetings can also be conducted at individuals' homes.  It is also quite common for Asian Indian homes to have a small room or a part of a room reserved for prayer and meditation.  Such household shrines are central to a family's religious life.

Many Asian Indians practice Islam, meaning "submission to God."  Followers of Islam believe in the prophet Muhammad, who was ordered by the angel Gabriel in 610 A.D. to spread God's message.  Muhammad recorded the angel's revelations in the Koran, the Muslim holy book.  There are five requirements, or Pillars, of Islam: (1) Confession that there is "no god but God" and Muhammad is the messenger of God; (2) Pray five times daily; (3) Giving of alms; (4) Fasting in daylight hours for the Muhammadan month of Ramadan; and (5) Pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in a lifetime.  While Muslims regard the message of Islam as eternal and universal, their individual lives have demonstrated a variety of orientations toward traditional and popular patterns.

The Asian Indian community in America also includes small numbers of Buddhists, followers of Gautama Buddha, and Jains, followers of Mahavira.  The most unique feature of the Jain religion, which was founded in the sixth century B.C., is its belief in the doctrine of ahimsa, or nonviolence.  This belief leads Jains to practice strict vegetarianism, since they cannot condone the killing of animals.  The Jains in the U.S. have their own temples for worship. Buddhists, Jainists, and Hindus all place a great value on personal austerity and are concerned with the final escape from the cycle of birth and rebirth known as reincarnation.

Small but significant Zoroastrian or Parsi communities have settled in cities such as New York and Los Angeles.  The Parsees came to India as refugees from Arab-invaded Persia in the ninth and tenth centuries.  They are about 100,000 strong in India and have made significant economic and social contributions to the country.  Earliest reports of Parsi immigrants to the U.S. date from the turn of this century, when groups of Parsees entered this country as merchants and traders.

Of all the Asian Indian religious communities, the Sikhs are the oldest and tend to be the most well organized in terms of religious activity.  Sikhism is different from Hinduism in its belief in one God.    Sikhs follow the teachings of Guru Nanak, the founder of the religion, and worship in temples called Gurudwaras (Gurudwaaras).  Services in Gurudwaras are held about once a week as well as on religious occasions.  Tenets of the Sikh religion include wearing a turban on the head for males and a symbolic bangle called a Kara around their wrists.  In addition, Sikh males are required not to cut their hair or beards.  This custom is still followed to by many in the community; others choose to give up the wearing of the turban and cut their hair.

Prabhupada Bhaktivedanta (1896-1977) was the founder of the Hare Krishna movement, which emerged in the 1970s in North America and Europe.  At the age of 69 Bhaktivedanta left India and immigrated to the United States, preaching the worship of Krishna in New York. Hare Krishna is organizationally embodied in the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON).    While he quickly gained an international following, Bhaktivedanta also experienced the harsh criticism of the anti-cult movement.  Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (1911– ) arrived in the United States in 1959 as a missionary of traditional Indian thought.  Mahesh founded the Spiritual Regeneration Movement, whose purpose was to change the world through the practice of Transcendental Mediation.

SOURCE:  http://www.everyculture.com/multi/A-Br/Asian-Indian-Americans.html

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Exerpts from:  Establishing Roots, Engendering Awareness:  A Political History of Asian Indians in the United States by Vinay Lal [Published in Live Like the Banyan Tree: Images of the Indian American Experience, ed. Leela Prasad (Philadelphia: Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, 1999):42-48.]  http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Diaspora/roots.html

The first significant presence of Indians in the United States can be traced to exactly one hundred years ago [1899], when peasants from the province of Punjab began appearing on the west coast, seeking work in Washington’s lumber mills and California’s vast agricultural fields. Though predominantly Sikhs, they were described in the popular press as "Hindus"; and almost from the outset they were seen as inassimilable, possessed of "immodest and filthy habits", the "most undesirable, of all the eastern Asiatic races . . ."

In 1907, Asian Indians were the victims of a racial riot in Bellingham, Washington, and henceforth concerted attempts would be made by the Asiatic Exclusion League and other associations to prevent further immigration from India into the United States and to restrict the capacity of those already in the country to own property. 

In these circumstances, the new immigrants, whose difficulties were compounded by their high illiteracy rates and poor knowledge of English, undoubtedly imbibed their first political lessons, acquiring the skills and tenacity necessary to use the courts to their advantage, combat racism, and pursue a livelihood.

The most contemporary phase of the political history of Asian Indians in the United States begins, however, with the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, which set a quota of 20,000 immigrants from each country.  The greater number of Indians, at least in the first fifteen years, were to arrive as professionals, though subsequently many more have come under family reunification preferential categories.  By 1975 the number of Asian Indians had risen to well over 175,000, and it is around this time that the question of self-representation, and how they wished to be known collectively to others, first surfaced among members of the Indian community.

The aversion of Indians to being viewed as part of a "black" community no doubt owes something also to their own racism, and as one black man wrote of Indian college students in the 1920s, "the Indian wore turbans so as not to be identified with negroes; they kept their distance, wanted nothing to do with negroes." To be assimilated into the category of "Caucasian" or "white" might consequently seem desirable, but Indians could not then claim those entitlements due to members of "minority groups" that faced the real hazards of prejudice. Where, at one time, Indians were zealous in pressing forth the claim that they ought to be considered "white", they now sought to disassociate themselves from this identity without disavowing the category of "Caucasian", which was seen as prestigious and having scientific credibility. Writing to the US Civil Rights Commission in 1975, the recently formed Association of Indians in America (AIA) submitted that "Indians are different in appearance; they are equally dark-skinned as other non-white individuals and are, therefore, subject to the same prejudices."

These efforts at preserving the minority status of Indians, while allowing them a distinct identity, were to bear fruit when the Census Bureau agreed to reclassify immigrants from India as "Asian Indians."

* * *


See the Los Angeles Hindu Community Guide at: 
http://www.laindia.us/

 

According to some sources, the Greater Los Angeles Metro Area is home to "several hundred thousand Asian Indians."  However, the 2000 Census only listed 60,268 Asian Indian residents in Los Angeles County and 20,197 in Orange County, for a total of 80,465.  Cerritos, Artesia, Whittier, Anaheim, the City of Los Angeles, the San Fernando Valley and the San Gabriel Valley are only some of the areas where Asian Indians have made their homes.  Although Artesia is the business hub for the Asian Indian community, Indian restaurants and grocery stores can be found throughout the region.

Asian Indians have established at least 18 temples, gurdwaras and churches in the Los Angeles region: 
The Malibu Temple and the Vermont Gurdwara are just two of the prominent places of worship for the Asian Indian community.  Most of the following listings are in Los Angeles County.

Sri Venkateswara Malibu Hindu Temple (http://www.laindia.us/balaji-temple.html)
1600 Las Virgenes Canyon Rd.
Calabasas, CA 91302
Phone:   818-880-5552
The deities at the Malibu Hindu Temple include Venkateswara, Rama, Lakshman, Sita, Hanuman, Ganesh, Padmavathi, Bhoodevi, Shiva, Krishna & Radha.  The temple was built in an area of 4.5 miles and is located in Malibu Hills.

RamKabir Mandir
530 E. 231 Street
Carson, CA 90745
Phone:  310-549-4492

Aurobindo Center of Los Angeles (http://www.sriaurobindocenter-la.org)
12329 Marshall Street
Culver City, CA 90230
Phone:  310-390-9083

"Founded in 1953 by Dr. Judith M. Tyberg, and based on the teachings of the great modern yogi and world-teacher Sri Aurobindo and his spiritual collaborator, the Mother, the Center stands as a lighthouse in metropolitan Los Angeles, offering the promise of a new life that can be the seed of a new world."

Shree Swaminarayan Mandir
12147 Lakewood Blvd.
Downey, CA 90242
Phone:  562-622-0554
Shree Swaminaryan Mandir is affiliated to Shri Kaxminarayan Dev, Vadtal. The deites at the temple include Swaminarayan, Krishna & Radha.

Hare Krishna Temple
3752 Watseka Avenue
Los Angeles, CA 90034
Phone:  310 836-2676

Hindu Temple
1700 E. Cesar Chavez Avenue, Suite 201
Los Angeles, CA 90033
Phone:  213-263-9799

Vermont Gurdwara (http://www.laindia.us/gurdwara.html)
1966 N. Vermont Avenue
Los Angeles, CA 90027
Phone:  323-665-7707

Nand Shiv Durga Mandir
3412 West Beverly Blvd.
Montebello, CA 90640
Phone:  323-721-6829

Valley Hindu Temple
18700 Roscoe Blvd.
Northridge, CA 91324
Phone:  818-772–7736

Deities at the Valley Hindu Temple include Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, Ganesha, Durga, Lakshmi, Saraswati, Rama, Krishna, Hanuman, Satyanarayana & Mahavir.

Lakshmi Narayan Mandir
9292 Magnolia Avenue
Riverside, CA 92503 (Riverside County)
Phone: 909-359-4743

Radha Govinda Gaudiya Matha
301 Rose Avenue
Venice, CA 90291
Phone:  310-450-5371

Swami Narayan Hindu Temple
12401 Pellissier
Whittier, CA 90601
Phone:  310 692-2730

The Little India Chamber of Commerce, in the partly Indian neighborhood of Artesia outside Los Angeles, has been unable to persuade the municipality to put up signs guiding visitors to "Little India."  Also see the Artesia Indian Community Guide at:  http://www.artesiaindia.us/advt.html    Local Artestia-Norwalk area temples and churches include the following:

Gayatri Mandir
22116, Pioneer Blvd
Hawaiian Gardens, CA 90716
Phone: 562-425–3970

Radha Krishna Mandir
12634, Pioneer Blvd,
Norwalk, CA 90650
Phone:  562-868-9059

The deities at the Radha Krishna Mandir include Radha Krishna, Rama, Lakshman, Sita, Hanuman & Ganesh.

Sanatan Dharma Temple
15311 Pioneer Blvd.
Norwalk, CA 90701
Phone: 562-484-0822
Deities at the Sanatan Dharma Temple include Balaji, Rama, Lakshman, Sita, Hanuman & Ganesh, Radha Krishna & Durga.

 

Swaminarayan Temple
15213 Pioneer Blvd.
Norwalk, CA 90650
Phone 562-864-8801

 

Asian Indian Church
18510 S. Corby Ave
Artesia, CA 90701
Phone: 323-260-7598
 
India Christian Assembly of Los Angeles
Meets at the United Methodist Church
13000 San Antonio Dr.
Norwalk, CA 90650

* * *


Maps of the Asian Indian population in Los Angeles, 1990

The IDEA Strategic Mapping and Information Service, directed by Clifton L. Holland, has produced a series of computer maps on ethnic and religious diversity in the Los Angeles 5-County Region, based on the 1990 Census of Population.    See the following links:   

Los Angeles County:  ../laco/laco-asian-ind.pdf   (note PDF format)   Note the large concentration of Asian Indians in the communities of Walnut and Diamond Bar in the East San Gabriel Valley.

Orange County: ../orco/D-AS-IND.pdf  (note PDF format)       



The Indonesian Community

 

 



The Thai Community

 

Immigration to the United States of America:

In 1993, there were an estimated 120,000 persons of Thai descent living in the United States.

Areas of greatest concentration

Los Angeles, California has the largest Thai population outside of Thailand.  Roughly 66% percent of all Thai Americans live in Los Angeles.  It is also home to the world's first and only Thai Town.   In 2002, there was an estimated 80,000+ Thai immigrants living in Los Angeles.   Thai Chinese are also included in the population.  Because of this, Los Angeles is sometimes referred to as Thailand's 77th province.  Note that both Bangkok and Los Angeles are known as the City of Angels.

However, there are Thai communities spread throughout the US. Other cities with sizable Thai populations include Houston, Texas and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_American

* * *

Maps of Thai population by census tracts in the Los Angeles area:

Los Angeles County: ../laco/thai.pdf (note PDF format).  Orange County:  ../orco/d-as-tai.pdf (note PDF format).

* * *

ADD DATABASE OF THAI CHURCHES OF ALL RELIGIONS




The Hmong Community

 

The terms Hmong and Mong  both refer to an Asian ethnic group whose homeland is in the mountainous regions of southern China.  Beginning in the 18th-century, Hmong people migrated to Southeast Asia and today live in northern Vietnam, Laos, Thailand and Myanmar (Burma). Following the communist takeover of Laos in 1975, a large number of Hmong/Mong people sought refuge in several Western countries, including the United States, Australia, France, French Guiana, and Canada.

In Orange County, Hmong tribespeople were resettled there in the early 1980s; see the article below regarding the Hmong Resettlement Project.    Orange County:  ../orco/d-as-hmong.pdf (note PDF format).   Los Angeles County:  ../laco/hmong.pdf (note PDF format).

 

* * *


The Hmong Resettlement Study Site Report: Orange County, California

by Mary Cohn

Sponsor:  Office of Refugee Resettlement (DHHS), Washington, DC

This document describes the resettlement of Hmong refugees in Orange County, California: what their employment experience has been, which resettlement efforts have been successful, and how current efforts could be altered to improve the Hmong's long term adjustment. 

The report is part of a larger, national project on Hmong resettlement.  Much of the data was gathered through personal interviews with Hmong living in Orange County and resettlement workers involved with this group.   The first section of the report gives general information about Orange County and describes what welfare benefits, housing, and refugee services are available, as well as how receptive the community is to refugees.  Section II gives brief information on the local Hmong population which, according to one source, numbered approximately 3,000 in 1983.  Section III deals with employment and education issues: what jobs are available; how limited English skills affect employment and how these obstacles are being combatted; the problem of welfare as a disincentive both for work and education; the availability of job training; how Hmong students are faring in school; and adult language instruction.  The final section describes the long range problems and expectations for the Hmong in Orange County, including the increasing mental health problems, particularly of the middle aged and older members of the population; and how the young Hmong view their possibilities in the United States.

SOURCE:  http://eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/Home.portal?_nfpb=true&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=%22Cohn+Mary%22&ERICExtSearch_SearchType_0=au&_pageLabel=RecordDetails&objectId=0900000b8010bd13&accno=ED267155&_nfls=false


 

The Laotian Community

 

A Laotian American is a resident of the United States who was originally from Laos or whose parents were originally from Laos. They constitute one group of Asian Americans.

Laotian immigration to the United States was at its height after the Vietnam War. Most Laotian Americans live in the states of California, North Carolina, Georgia, Texas, Illinois, Tennessee,Kansas, Minnesota, Oregon, or Washington. There are also large communities in Ohio, Iowa, Florida, and Pennsylvania. There are about over 200,000 ethnic Lao in America. 4,000 - 7,000 more Americans are mixed with another ethnic group and Lao. Ethnic Lao would be considered both Lao American and Laotian American.

Although many Hmong people are from Laos, Hmong Americans are usually not considered to be Lao American because they are not of the Lao ethnic group.  However, the category of Laotian American includes the Hmong and other Laotian groups, as well as Ethnic Chinese and Ethnic Vietnamese from Laos.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laotian_American

Maps of Laotian population by census tracts in the Los Angeles area:

Los Angeles County:  ../laco/laotian.pdf (note PDF format).  Orange County:   ../orco/d-as-lao.pdf (note PDF format).


 

The Pacific Islander Community

 

Definition of Pacific Islander

Pacific Islander (or Pacific Person, pl: Pacific People, also called Oceanic[s]), is a geographic term used in several places, such as New Zealand and the United States, to describe the inhabitants of any of the three major sub-regions of Oceania[1][2].

The U.S. Census category is "Native Hawaiians and other Pacific Islanders" (NHPI), which refers to people having origins from any of the indigenous peoples of Hawaii, the Marianas, Samoa, or other Pacific Islands.  It includes people who indicated their race or races as "Native Hawaiian", "Guamanian or Chamoru", "Samoan", or "Other Pacific Islander", or wrote in entries such as Tahitian, Mariana Islander, or Chuukese.

Inhabitants of the Chinese, Taiwanese, Japanese, Filipino, and Indonesian islands, although technically bordering the Pacific Ocean, do not fall under the definition of "Pacific Islanders" because such islands are not located in any of the three regions of Oceania (Polynesia, Micronesia and Melanesia), and are therefore classified as "Asians" in the U.S. Census.

SOURCE:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pacific_Islander

 

General Background Information

Pacific Islanders have increased from 0.4% of the California’s population in 1990 to 0.7% of the population in 2003 using inclusive figures.

Pacific Islander growth from 1990 to 2000 ranged from 6% using 2000 single race numbers to 100% using 2000 inclusive numbers (single race and multiracial figures combined). This wide range results from a large number of multiracial Pacific Islanders.

Nearly half (47%) of Pacific Islanders are multiracial, the highest among all racial/ethnic groups.

Native Hawaiians and Samoans continue to be the state’s largest Pacific Islander groups, followed closely by Guamanians/Chamorros.

The Pacific Islander population change in Los Angeles County from 1990 to 2000 ranged from a decline of 6% using alone numbers to a growth of 71% for inclusive numbers.  This wide range is due to the large number of Pacific Islanders who reported more than one race. Pacific Islanders have the highest percentage reporting more than one race among the major racial/ethnic groups. With 45% reporting a multiracial heritage, Pacific Islanders consist of 27,053 of a single race and 22,461 who reported Pacific Islander plus at least one other race. Among Pacific Islander ethnic groups, Native Hawaiians have the highest multiracial percentage, with 62% reporting more than one race.

Note: Groups ranked by Inclusive number. Alone figures are single race responses only. Inclusive figures include single race and multiracial responses. Alone figures for Asian and Pacific Islander ethnic groups are single race and single ethnic group. Latino/Hispanic is not exclusive of other race and ethnic groups, unless otherwise noted. Population figures are not mutually exclusive, therefore columns may not sum up to the total.

SOURCE:  http://apalc.org/demographics/wp-content/uploads/2006/11/lacoapalc04.pdf

 

Language Spoken at Home Los Angeles County, 2000

Total Age 5 & over

Number Percent
Tagalog (Philippine Islands) 195,671 2.23%
Other Pacific Island languages 27,736 0.32%

SOURCE:  http://www.laalmanac.com/population/po47.htm

 

General Demographical Information, 2000 Census

The total "Native Hawaiian & Other Pacific Islander" (not Hispanic or Latino) population for Los Angeles County was 23,265, with the largest concentation of this population in the cities and communities listed below in Table #1 (Los Angeles County) and Table #2 (City of Los Angeles).

 


Table #1

Native Hawaiian & Other
Pacific Islander 
Population
County of Los Angeles
2000 Census
by Cities



Table #2

Native Hawaiian & Other
Pacific Islander 
Population
City of Los Angeles
2000 Census
by Communities


 

 City

Native Hawaiian & Other Pacific Islander Alone

Los Angeles 5,915
Long Beach 5,680
Carson 2,680
Compton 985
Hawthorne 721
Bellflower 511
Lakewood 489
Torrance

      481

Paramount 464
Gardena 424
Inglewood 410
Norwalk 404

 

 

 


Community
Native Hawaiian & Other Pacific Islander Alone
South LA 498
Wilmington 474
San Pedro 291
Harbor Gateway 284
North Hollywood 265
Harbor City 232
Hollywood 208
Canoga Park 196
Westchester 164
Panorama City 154
West LA 151

SOURCE: http://www.laalmanac.com/population/po38aa.htm

SOURCE:  http://www.laalmanac.com/population/po24la.htm

 

Bibliography on Pacific Islanders

The Diverse Face of Asians and Pacific Islanders in California:  http://demographics.apalc.org/

The Diverse Face of Asians and Pacific Islanders in Los Angeles County:    http://apalc.org/demographics/wp-content/uploads/2006/11/lacoapalc04.pdf

The Diverse Face of Asians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County: http://apalc.org/demographics/wp-content/uploads/2006/11/ocapalc04.pdf